The rapid decline of global biodiversity has engendered renewed debate about the social, economic, and political factors contributing to it. Specifically, there is little understanding of the role that political ideology within a country (e.g., nationalism, conservatism, socialism) plays in determining biodiversity outcomes. We used negative binomial generalized linear models to investigate the importance of national regime ideology in predicting threatened animal species and protected area establishment compared with other factors that affect biodiversity outcomes, such as gross domestic product, inequality, and democracy. For threatened animals, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested adverse biodiversity outcomes arose from larger gross domestic product (β = 0.120, p < 0.001). However, nationalism (β = 0.371, p < 0.01) and socialism (β = 0.293, p < 0.05) were also significantly associated with increased proportions of threatened species. For protected areas, the model with the highest Akaike weight suggested increases in democracy (β = 0.880, p < 0.001) led to a rise in relative protected area estate. Conservative regime ideology was also associated with greater protected area estate, although this did not increase the weight of evidence in support of the best models. These findings highlight the relevance of political ideology for predicting biodiversity outcomes at a national scale and illustrate opportunities to tailor policies and advocacy to promote biodiversity conservation more effectively. By targeting appropriate messaging and political advocacy, conservationists can improve the likelihood that politicians and their nations will participate in positive biodiversity actions.
El papel de la ideología del régimen nacional para la predicción de resultados de biodiversidad Resumen El rápido declive de la biodiversidad mundial ha suscitado un renovado debate sobre los factores sociales, económicos y políticos que contribuyen a él. En concreto, se conoce poco el papel que desempeña la ideología política dentro de un país (por ejemplo, el nacionalismo, el conservadurismo o el socialismo) a la hora de determinar los resultados en materia de biodiversidad. Utilizamos modelos lineales generalizados binomiales negativos para investigar la importancia de la ideología del régimen nacional a la hora de predecir las especies animales amenazadas y el establecimiento de áreas protegidas en comparación con otros factores que afectan a los resultados de la biodiversidad, como el producto interno bruto, la desigualdad y la democracia. En el caso de los animales amenazados, el modelo con la mayor ponderación de Akaike sugirió que los resultados adversos para la biodiversidad se debían a un mayor producto interno bruto (β = 0,120, p < 0,001). Sin embargo, el nacionalismo (β = 0,371, p < 0,01) y el socialismo (β = 0,293, p < 0,05) también se asociaron significativamente con una mayor proporción de especies amenazadas. En el caso de las áreas protegidas, el modelo con la mayor ponderación de Akaike sugirió que el aumento de la democracia (β = 0,880, p < 0,001) conducía a un aumento de la extensión relativa de las áreas protegidas. La ideología conservadora del régimen también se asoció con una mayor superficie de áreas protegidas, aunque no aumentó el peso de la evidencia en apoyo de los mejores modelos. Estos resultados resaltan la importancia de la ideología política para predecir los resultados de la biodiversidad a escala nacional e ilustran las oportunidades de adaptar las políticas y la defensa para promover la conservación de la biodiversidad de manera más eficaz. Si se orientan los mensajes y la promoción política de forma adecuada, los conservacionistas pueden mejorar la probabilidad de que los políticos y sus naciones participen en acciones positivas para la biodiversidad.

The paper aims to understand the various legacies of eugenics in the postwar period to recognize both the continuities and discontinuities of eugenics with an approach which is both conceptually sound and historically correct. Building on earlier work of Lene Koch, the paper endeavours to chart the historical trajectory of eugenics by examining how its definition and those of its related or oppositional concepts have evolved within selected lexicon entries across various stages of the century. The inclusion and publication of a concept within a lexicon indicate its significance, linguistic vitality, and prevalence in public discourse. These entries serve as a window into the contemporary understanding and application of concepts over an entire century, offering insights into the practices of eugenics as interpreted by the authoritative scholars of the era. Additionally, these lexicon entries offer more than just a mirror to the past\'s prevailing attitudes. The very act of articulating a concept may be viewed as a pivotal element in social struggles, influencing the course of eugenic practices and their interpretations. Both conceptual history and discourse analysis share common ground in their perception of concepts, considering the use of language as a social activity endowed with performative capabilities. They recognize that language does not merely reflect reality but can actively shape it, playing a significant role in societal dynamics and power relations. The Hungarian lexicon entries on eugenics reveal notable disparities in the identified content, the periodization, and the evolution of changes when compared to Lene Koch\'s earlier study on Scandinavian eugenics. In Hungary, the concept of eugenics underwent significant changes over four successive periods. The history and interpretation of eugenics can vary significantly from one country to another. Different nations have had their unique experiences and trajectories with the eugenics movement, which have been shaped by their specific cultural, political, and social contexts. These variations emphasize the importance of considering the localized and historical perspectives when examining the concept of eugenics.

Ministerial Approvals in 2021 clearly articulated for the first time the wide range of circumstances under which abortion in Lao People\'s Democratic Republic (PDR) is legal. These approvals likely reflect norms around abortion existent since the establishment of the Lao PDR in 1975: unregulated abortion is and remains illegal, but abortion that meets certain criteria is and has always been legal in Lao PDR. The legal status of abortion was fuzzy in practice until 2021, likely due to cultural factors. Buddhist conceptions of life and morality contribute to a widespread sense that abortion is fundamentally wrong and ought to be illegal. Laos\' political culture strongly values solidarity, meaning prolonged public discussion of potentially divisive topics is rare. As a result, abortion is often misunderstood in international research. For instance, Laos regularly appears on lists of the few countries where abortion is completely banned. Abortion is also not a politically charged topic in Lao PDR. Women\'s experiences of accessing abortion are not rooted in a rights-based discourse. Instead, abortion is a possible (and legal) path in Laos, but one that entails considerable anguish and concern about its moral and ethical consequences.

With the emergence of Olympic internationalism, scholarly networking in East Central Europe came to be dominated by the idea of scholars representing their nations, which replaced the previously leading pattern of private elite scholars with extensive international contacts. This also formalised trans-border contacts, which became increasingly seen as international. In this article, we trace the relationship between these formal and informal networks from the late 19th century to the end of the socialist period, showing that even as formalisation grew, it depended heavily on a variety of informal connections. Even during the period of socialism, when the state sought to control international exchange, scholars used informality to circumvent politically determined constraints. Nevertheless, these informal contacts were not outside the system, but were an integral part of it and depended on formal preconditions. Concentrating on Czechoslovak-Polish relations we argue that in addressing the issue of the relationship between the formal and the informal, a combination of sources must be used, which should then be scrutinised for the stories their authors wish to tell. While archival sources are used for the formal part, oral histories or memoirs reveal the informal part. In East Central Europe, formal sources are likely to ignore informality, especially when it was associated with illegality, whereas ego-documents, especially those produced after 1989, are likely to ignore or downplay connections to the state and overemphasise informality as a means of acting outside politics. Thus, writing the history of informality in socialist scholarship, not only in terms of international contacts but also in terms of everyday practices, is a way of developing counter-narratives to the state-centeredness of current research, which must be linked to a critical study of the contemporary memory of socialist scholarship that shapes the narratives told in oral history.
Mit dem Aufkommen des olympischen Internationalismus wurde die wissenschaftliche Vernetzung in Ostmitteleuropa von der Idee dominiert, dass die Gelehrten ihre Nationen repräsentieren, was das bis dahin vorherrschende Muster der privaten Gelehrtenelite mit umfangreichen internationalen Kontakten ablöste. Damit wurden auch grenzüberschreitende Kontakte formalisiert, die zunehmend als international angesehen wurden. In diesem Artikel zeichnen wir das Verhältnis zwischen dem Formellen und dem Informellen vom späten 19. Jahrhundert bis zum Ende der sozialistischen Periode nach und zeigen, dass die zunehmende Formalisierung in hohem Maße von einer Vielzahl informeller Verbindungen abhing. Selbst in der Zeit des Sozialismus, als der Staat versuchte, den internationalen Austausch zu kontrollieren, nutzten die Wissenschaftler*Innen die Informalität, um politische Schranken zu umgehen. Dennoch standen diese informellen Kontakte nicht außerhalb des Systems, sondern waren ein integraler Bestandteil desselben und hingen von formalen Voraussetzungen ab. Mit Beispielen aus den tschechoslowakisch-polnischen Beziehungen argumentieren wir, dass bei der Untersuchung des Verhältnisses zwischen dem Formellen und dem Informellen eine Kombination von Quellen verwendet werden muss, die dann auf die Geschichten hin untersucht werden sollten, die sie erzählen wollen. Während Archivquellen für den formellen Teil verwendet werden, erzählt Oral History oder Memoiren den informellen Teil. In Ostmitteleuropa werden formelle Quellen die Informalität ignorieren, vor allem wenn sie mit Illegalität in Verbindung gebracht wird. Ego-Dokumente, vor allem solche, die nach 1989 entstanden sind, spielen die Verbindungen zum Staat herunter und überbetonen die Bedeutung der Informalität als Mittel zum Handeln außerhalb der Politik. Die Geschichte der Informalität in der sozialistischen Wissenschaft nicht nur in Bezug auf internationale Kontakte, sondern auch in Bezug auf Alltagspraktiken zu schreiben, dient dazu nicht nur Gegenerzählungen zur Staatszentriertheit der aktuellen Forschung zu entwickeln, muss aber mit einer kritischen Untersuchung des zeitgenössischen Gedächtnisses der sozialistischen Wissenschaft verknüpft werden, das die in den Interviews erzählten Geschichten prägt.

In the twenty-first century, the notion of the state and its role in innovation and development have become dominant topics of theoretical and empirical inquiry. Although contemporary innovation theorists clearly unpack the myth of market fundamentalism in industrial policy and practice of neo-liberal states, they do not seem to explain precisely how come such states have been justified to play extensive roles in the economy. This paper provides a theoretical explanation by drawing lessons from Poulantzas\' approach to the state and going beyond it to consider alternatives. Accordingly, it conceives the innovation state as a result of the social division of labour and as a condensation of conflicting social relations which have their own materiality. The paper argues that whatever form the innovation state has taken in the western world since the industrial revolution, this has remained predominantly capitalist. Thus, it reproduces the social division of labour that is exploitative and unjust, delivering most benefits of innovation to dominant classes and excluding the very poor and the marginalised. The kind of innovation state that matters for social justice is a non-capitalist one, promoting pluralism of societies of equals through innovation.

This article explores the feminist social critique in the \'big heroine\' drama, a newly emerged genre of television that focuses on empowering yet dramatic stories of urban women in contemporary China. The article theorises the genre as a site of ongoing contestations to inform and critique women\'s maternal reality in neoliberal, pronatalist China. The big heroine genre is situated in the postsocialist structure of feeling defined by alienation and precarity, responding to China\'s need to stabilise the emerging population crisis and labour shortage. Using a popular instance within the genre, Left Right (2022), as a case study, the article argues that the show validates the legitimacy of women\'s anxieties and challenges in maternity and then invites viewers to engage in a multifaceted analysis of the intricate web of structural injustices women experience in pregnancy, childbirth, the postpartum and having a second child. By doing so, it not only resonates with viewers\' yearning for recognition and empathy but also stimulates a broader discourse on new and persisting maternal challenges in pronatalist China. I conclude that the genre\'s contradictory and contingent nature mirrors the complexities of the Chinese party-state\'s attempt to navigate the ideological instability surrounding maternity and motherhood. The genre is progressive in its alternative imagination of kinship and care networks for women navigating the moral, medical, and cultural dilemmas of the maternal body and motherhood in the moment of the state\'s transitioning into a more aggressive form of pronatalism.

This article considers the Soviet Union\'s successful efforts to employ more women specialists in nuclear science and technology, from the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 and the Soviet atomic bomb project to the Cold War and the present. Despite their contributions to building a Cold War military machine, women rarely reached the pinnacle of the scientific enterprise due to persistent views about their lesser capabilities as specialists. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, in a vastly changed social, political, and cultural climate, the claimed socialist equality of women gave way to more traditional views of their status in Russian society. For the nuclear enterprise, this change emerged in activities that had disappeared under communism such as the annual \"Miss Atom\" beauty pageant, a striking departure from Soviet attempts to involve women equally in science and technology.

Rural ecology is a comprehensive field of study that takes the rural social-ecological-economic systems as the objective object and emphasizes spatial carrier governance. The development of rural ecology in the New Era embodies and implements comprehensively the core concepts of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Cha-racteristics for a New Era, including harmonious coexistence between humans and nature, rural revitalization, green development, and the comprehensive construction of a socialist modernized nation. Under the goal of Chinese-style modernization, rural ecology exhibits characteristics distinct from the past, such as the integration of research objects, the intersectionality of basic theories, the computational feature of technical methods, and the orientation of exporting outcomes. To provide disciplinary support for modernization-oriented science to meet the new demands of country\'s rural development, effectively narrating the story of sustainable rural development in China and providing fundamental guarantees for the safety of rural systems, a number of issues such as paradigm innovation in research, improvement of data quality, and integration of comprehensive technologies, should be fully considered.
乡村生态学是以乡村社会-生态-经济系统为客观对象并强调空间载体治理的综合性学科。发展新时代的乡村生态学,是对习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的人与自然和谐共生、乡村振兴、绿色发展和全面建设社会主义现代化国家等核心理念的综合贯彻和落实。在中国式现代化目标下,乡村生态学出现了新的不同以往的特征,如研究对象的综合性、基础理论的交叉性、技术方法的计算性和成果出口的导向性。因此,需要充分思考研究范式革新、数据质量提升和综合技术集成等系列问题,为面向现代化的科学服务国家乡村发展的新需求、全面做好乡村可持续发展的中国叙事以及乡村系统安全的根本保障提供学科支撑。.

Reproductive health in state socialism is usually viewed as an area in which the broader contexts of women\'s lives were disregarded. Focusing on expert efforts to reduce premature births, we show that the social aspects of women\'s lives received the most attention. In contrast to typical descriptions emphasising technological medicalisation and pharmaceuticalisation, we show that expertise in early socialism was concerned with socio-medical causes of prematurity, particularly work and marriage. The interest in physical work in the 1950s evolved towards a focus on psychological factors in the 1960s and on broader socio-economic conditions in the 1970s. Experts highlighted marital happiness as conducive to healthy birth and considered unwed women more prone to prematurity. By the 1980s, social factors had faded from interest in favour of a bio-medicalised view. Our findings are based on a rigorous comparative analysis of medical journals from Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia and East Germany.

China has a history of using cultural policies to control infectious diseases, including schistosomiasis, which was once hyperendemic in the country. Since the founding of the People\'s Republic of China, significant achievements have been made in schistosomiasis control, with a decrease in the number of cases and infection rates. This study provides a historical analysis of cultural policies in schistosomiasis control in China. During the Mao era (1949-1976), socialist ideology shaped cultural policies that included mass mobilization campaigns, propaganda, and cultural education to promote health practices, and community participation and empowerment. During the Reform era (1978-2012), there was a shift towards market-oriented policies and individual responsibility, and cultural policies promoted behavioral change, but there were challenges in implementing them in a rapidly changing society. In the \"New Era\" of socialism (2012-now), cultural policies are focused on promoting comprehensive schistosomiasis control strategies, technological advancements and innovation, and international cooperation. The Chinese experience in schistosomiasis control provides valuable lessons for other countries facing similar challenges and underscores the importance of cultural policies in promoting health and well-being.