The paper aims to understand the various legacies of eugenics in the postwar period to recognize both the continuities and discontinuities of eugenics with an approach which is both conceptually sound and historically correct. Building on earlier work of Lene Koch, the paper endeavours to chart the historical trajectory of eugenics by examining how its definition and those of its related or oppositional concepts have evolved within selected lexicon entries across various stages of the century. The inclusion and publication of a concept within a lexicon indicate its significance, linguistic vitality, and prevalence in public discourse. These entries serve as a window into the contemporary understanding and application of concepts over an entire century, offering insights into the practices of eugenics as interpreted by the authoritative scholars of the era. Additionally, these lexicon entries offer more than just a mirror to the past\'s prevailing attitudes. The very act of articulating a concept may be viewed as a pivotal element in social struggles, influencing the course of eugenic practices and their interpretations. Both conceptual history and discourse analysis share common ground in their perception of concepts, considering the use of language as a social activity endowed with performative capabilities. They recognize that language does not merely reflect reality but can actively shape it, playing a significant role in societal dynamics and power relations. The Hungarian lexicon entries on eugenics reveal notable disparities in the identified content, the periodization, and the evolution of changes when compared to Lene Koch\'s earlier study on Scandinavian eugenics. In Hungary, the concept of eugenics underwent significant changes over four successive periods. The history and interpretation of eugenics can vary significantly from one country to another. Different nations have had their unique experiences and trajectories with the eugenics movement, which have been shaped by their specific cultural, political, and social contexts. These variations emphasize the importance of considering the localized and historical perspectives when examining the concept of eugenics.

In the twenty-first century, the notion of the state and its role in innovation and development have become dominant topics of theoretical and empirical inquiry. Although contemporary innovation theorists clearly unpack the myth of market fundamentalism in industrial policy and practice of neo-liberal states, they do not seem to explain precisely how come such states have been justified to play extensive roles in the economy. This paper provides a theoretical explanation by drawing lessons from Poulantzas\' approach to the state and going beyond it to consider alternatives. Accordingly, it conceives the innovation state as a result of the social division of labour and as a condensation of conflicting social relations which have their own materiality. The paper argues that whatever form the innovation state has taken in the western world since the industrial revolution, this has remained predominantly capitalist. Thus, it reproduces the social division of labour that is exploitative and unjust, delivering most benefits of innovation to dominant classes and excluding the very poor and the marginalised. The kind of innovation state that matters for social justice is a non-capitalist one, promoting pluralism of societies of equals through innovation.

Reproductive health in state socialism is usually viewed as an area in which the broader contexts of women\'s lives were disregarded. Focusing on expert efforts to reduce premature births, we show that the social aspects of women\'s lives received the most attention. In contrast to typical descriptions emphasising technological medicalisation and pharmaceuticalisation, we show that expertise in early socialism was concerned with socio-medical causes of prematurity, particularly work and marriage. The interest in physical work in the 1950s evolved towards a focus on psychological factors in the 1960s and on broader socio-economic conditions in the 1970s. Experts highlighted marital happiness as conducive to healthy birth and considered unwed women more prone to prematurity. By the 1980s, social factors had faded from interest in favour of a bio-medicalised view. Our findings are based on a rigorous comparative analysis of medical journals from Hungary, Poland, Czechoslovakia and East Germany.

With the tide of progressive reforms facing strong headwinds today, this essay offers a retrospective look at the progressive movement in the U.S.A. and reflects on the lessons to be learned from its triumphs and failures. The case is made that major advances in the progressive agenda came at historical junctions precipitated by dramatic events. The stretch between 1900 and 1920 saw the first wave of social reforms following the late nineteenth century recessions and upsurge in labor unrest. The New Deal took shape in the 1930s in the aftermath of the Great Depression. The Civil Rights movement burst onto the scene in the 1960s in the face of bitter attempts to shore up segregationist practices in southern states. And the 2020s spike in progressive activism gained momentum against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic and the January 6 Capitol riots. Special attention is paid to the interfaces between Social Gospel theology and efforts to ground progressive rhetoric in what John Dewey called \"common faith,\" Robert Bellah \"civil religion,\" and Richard Rorty \"liberal pragmatism.\"

Scandinavian social democracy is increasingly upheld as an alternative that could reform capitalism. The Nordic Model produces income equality, low-conflict politics, and happy people. When half of young Americans express that they would prefer \"socialism,\" they generally mean to live in a society that provides for its citizens as the Nordics do. Such aspirations are complicated by how social democracy can be viewed as a secularized form of Lutheranism, the Protestant creed that the Nordic region embraced in the 16th century. Lutheran norms and values carried into the modern era and made possible social democracy\'s two distinguishing features: fascist corporatism and socialist redistribution. A strong state facilitates statist individualism, which empowers individuals vis-à-vis employers, parents, and spouses. The outcome could be cross-culturally salient, as it brings people closer to our species\' fission-fusion baseline. Yet in the modern environment, only Nordics seem to have a cultural imaginary that makes compelling the politics that drive such high levels of both productivity and egalitarianism. The region\'s storytelling reflects this Lutheran past and is used to negotiate modern adaptations. A better understanding of social democracy could help prevent that demands for \"socialism\" motivate a turn to actual socialism.

This July marks the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. This event motivated the authors of this article to consider the main problems that modern Chinese society is solving, the place of the PRC in the world economy and politics at the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, and China\'s growing influence on the planet. China\'s undoubted successes, including in the fight against the coronavirus pandemic and in overcoming the recession caused by tough quarantine measures in early 2020, show the considerable viability of the state created by the Chinese communists, which is increasingly at the forefront of the world in the economy, science and technology, and culture. However, the path to the current rise of the great power was by no means an easy one, and the prospects for its development are perhaps one of the most debated issues in international discussions. China never tires of emphasizing the specifics of its history. At the same time, the diversity of the internal conditions of the colossal country together with the skillful application of carefully studied foreign experience yielded the extraordinary wealth of forms of development, which can serve as a guarantee of new achievements and, possibly, useful universals for all humankind.

In this article, we propose a model to analyze the class structure of hybrid post-socialist societies in South-East Europe (SEE), using the case of Serbia. We argue that, in such hybrid societies, social inequalities are generated by several mechanisms of similar strength: exploitative market mechanisms (based on economic capital) and different types of social closure mechanisms (based on political and social capital). Their influences are intertwined and cannot be analytically isolated or reduced to a common foundation. Therefore, occupational class analysis in these societies can have only limited explanatory power. In an attempt to overcome these challenges, we were forced to modify the instruments of several established approaches to class analysis. These modifications included (1) a reconceptualization of Bourdieusian notions of political, social, and cultural capital, (2) a different operationalization of social space, (3) identification of specific mechanisms of generating social inequalities, (4) paying attention to both practical and discursive classifications of lifestyles in the establishment of symbolic boundaries, and (5) relying on differential association analysis for identifying class boundaries. Our analysis\'s final result is a model that enables studying general social inequality, that is, generalized social advantage/disadvantage, in SEE post-socialist societies.

I examine in this article a movement in Cuba known as cronicidad (chronicity), to reimagine advanced cancer as a normal social experience. In Cuba, cronicidad is particularly visible through treatments called therapeutic vaccines designed to slow the growth of tumors. I explore how cronicidad becomes possible through the Cuban socialist integration of biotechnology and public health. Drawing from interviews with and observations of Cuban cancer researchers and clinicians involved with a novel lung cancer vaccine, I argue that cronicidad differs from chronicity as an area of anthropological inquiry in its emplacement of advanced cancer within routine care in Cuba\'s socialist biomedical system.Examino un movimiento en Cuba para re-imaginar cáncer avanzado como una experiencia normal conocido como cronicidad. En Cuba, cronicidad es particularmente visible por tratamientos denominados vacunas terapéuticas diseñadas para retardar el crecimiento de tumores. Exploro como cronicidad se pone posible por la integración de biotecnología y salud pública del sistema socialista cubana. Partiendo de entrevistas y observaciones de investigadores y clínicos cubanos involucrados en el uso de una vacuna novedosa contra cáncer, sostengo que la cronicidad difiere de las discusiones de enfermedades crónicas analizados dentro de antropología en su colocación de cáncer avanzado dentro de cuidado rutina en el sistema de salud en Cuba.

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Based on our collective ethnography of Cuba\'s socialist system for the provision of state-subsidised food, this article explores manners in which the state weaves itself into the fabric of people\'s everyday lives in state-socialist society. Instituted by Cuba\'s revolutionary government in the early 1960s, Cuba\'s \'state system for provisioning\' is still today the backbone of household subsistence, propelling individuals into direct daily relations with the state via its neighbourhood-level network of stores that distribute food catering to citizens\' \'basic needs\'. Our ethnography brings together a series of studies conducted by the members of our team in different parts of Havana, charting the most salient aspects of people\'s interaction with the state in this alimentary context. We argue that the state becomes pervasive in people\'s daily lives not just because it is present in so much of it, but also as the basic normative premise on which people interpret and evaluate everyday comportments in the interactions food provisioning involves. Life in state socialism involves the constant and intricate comparison of its own realities against the normative ideals the state purports to institute. These \'vernacular comparisons\' between life and state, as we call them, are the \'local knowledge\' of state socialism in Cuba.
A partir de nuestra etnografía colectiva del sistema del abastecimiento de alimentos subsidiados por el Estado cubano este artículo explora las formas en las que el estado se imbrica en el tejido de la vida cotidiana de las personas en el socialismo de estado. Instituido por el gobierno revolucionario cubano a principios de la década de 1960, el ‘sistema estatal de abastecimiento’ de Cuba es todavía hoy la espina dorsal de la subsistencia de los hogares, el cual impele a los individuos a establecer una relación cotidiana y directa con el estado a través de la red de establecimientos comerciales a nivel de barrio que distribuyen alimentos de acuerdo con las “necesidades básicas” de los ciudadanos. Nuestra etnografía reúne una serie de estudios llevados a cabo por los miembros de nuestro equipo en diferentes partes de La Habana, describiendo los aspectos más significativos de la interacción entre las personas y el estado en este contexto alimentario. Argumentamos que el estado se vuelve ubicuo en la vida cotidiana de las personas no sólo por estar presente en numerosos aspectos de la misma, sino también por ser el supuesto básico y normativo con el que la gente interpreta y evalúa sus comportamientos en las interacciones cotidianas relacionadas con el abastecimiento alimentario. La vida en el socialismo de estado involucra una constante e intrincada comparación entre los ideales normativos que el estado pretende institucionalizar y sus realidades. Estas ‘comparaciones vernáculas’ entre vida y estado, como las llamamos, son el ‘conocimiento local’ del socialismo de estado en Cuba.
S’appuyant sur une ethnographie collective du système socialiste cubain en matière d’approvisionnement de nourriture subventionné par l\'État, cet article étudie la manière dont l\'État s\'immisce dans la vie quotidienne des gens, dans une société socialiste. Instauré à Cuba au début des années 1960 par le gouvernement révolutionnaire, le « système étatique d\'approvisionnement » constitue encore aujourd’hui l\'épine dorsale de la subsistance des foyers, et pousse les individus à entretenir des relations quotidiennes directes avec l\'État à travers son réseau de magasins de quartier, qui distribuent des aliments correspondant aux « besoins vitaux » des citoyens. Nos travaux ethnographiques réunissent une série d\'études, menées par les membres de notre équipe dans différents secteurs de La Havane, mettant en évidence les aspects les plus saillants de l\'interaction entre les individus et l\'État dans le domaine de l’alimentation. Nous soutenons que l\'État pénètre dans la vie quotidienne des gens, non seulement parce qu\'il y est presque omniprésent, mais aussi comme une prémisse normative fondamentale à partir de laquelle on interprète et évalue les comportements quotidiens dans les interactions faisant partie de l\'approvisionnement alimentaire. La vie sous le socialisme étatique implique une comparaison complexe et constante entre ses propres réalités et les idéaux normatifs que l\'État prétend instaurer. Ce que nous appelons les « comparaisons vernaculaires » entre la vie et l\'État composent la « connaissance locale » du socialisme étatique à Cuba.