Schizophrenia is marked by aberrant processing of complex speech and gesture, which may contribute functionally to its impaired social communication. To date, extant neuroscientific studies of schizophrenia have largely investigated dysfunctional speech and gesture in isolation, and no prior research has examined how the two communicative channels may interact in more natural contexts. Here, we tested if patients with schizophrenia show aberrant neural processing of semantically complex story segments, and if speech-associated gestures (co-speech gestures) might modulate this effect. In a functional MRI study, we presented to 34 participants (16 patients and 18 matched-controls) an ecologically-valid retelling of a continuous story, performed via speech and spontaneous gestures. We split the entire story into ten-word segments, and measured the semantic complexity for each segment with idea density, a linguistic measure that is commonly used clinically to evaluate aberrant language dysfunction at the semantic level. Per segment, the presence of numbers of gestures varied (n = 0, 1, +2). Our results suggest that, in comparison to controls, patients showed reduced activation for more complex segments in the bilateral middle frontal and inferior parietal regions. Importantly, this neural aberrance was normalized in segments presented with gestures. Thus, for the first time with a naturalistic multimodal stimulation paradigm, we show that gestures reduced group differences when processing a natural story, probably by facilitating the processing of semantically complex segments of the story in schizophrenia.

The current study investigated the neuro mechanisms of emoji processing as sentence predicate in written context. In the hybrid textuality which is more cognitively engaging, emojis in sentential intermediate positions were designed as either congruent or incongruent to the context. The results showed that incongruent words led to a robust N400 effect, while incongruent emojis only elicited the P600 effect. It implies that semantics and syntax of words can be separated while those of emojis seem to be integrated together. That is, when the meaning of the emoji is violated to the sentential context, its grammatical role cannot be well interpreted, especially when it is used as a key grammatical component in a sentence, such as the predicate. Thus, it shows that even though the meaning of emojis can be interpreted by readers, their syntactic and semantic functions cannot be clearly separated. In comparison with word processing, the larger amplitude with emojis in the time window of 350-500 ms shows more cognitive efforts in emoji semantic processing, possibly arising from the switch of modalities within the visual channel, that is, the multimodal cognitive load.

BACKGROUND: Both alcohol misuse and sleep deficiency are associated with deficits in semantic processing. However, alcohol misuse and sleep deficiency are frequently comorbid and their inter-related effects on semantic processing as well as the underlying neural mechanisms remain to be investigated.
METHODS: We curated the Human Connectome Project data of 973 young adults (508 women) to examine the neural correlates of semantic processing in link with the severity of alcohol use and sleep deficiency. The latter were each evaluated using the first principal component (PC1) of principal component analysis of all drinking metrics and the Pittsburgh Sleep Quality Index (PSQI). We employed path modeling to elucidate the interplay among clinical, behavioral, and neural variables.
RESULTS: Among women, we observed a significant negative correlation between the left precentral gyrus (PCG) and PSQI scores. Mediation analysis revealed that the left PCG activity fully mediated the relationship between PSQI scores and word comprehension in language tasks. In women alone also, the right middle frontal gyrus (MFG) exhibited a significant negative correlation with PC1. The best path model illustrated the associations among PC1, PSQI scores, PCG activity, and MFG activation during semantic processing in women.
CONCLUSIONS: Alcohol misuse may lead to reduced MFG activation while sleep deficiency hinder semantic processing by suppressing PCG activity in women. The pathway model underscores the influence of sleep quality and alcohol consumption severity on semantic processing in women, suggesting that sex differences in these effects need to be further investigated.

Body-object interaction (BOI) measures the ease with which the human body can interact with the concept represented by a word. This research focuses on two main objectives: first, to establish French norms for the psycholinguistic variable BOI, and second, to investigate the contribution of BOI to language processing in French. We collected BOI ratings for 3600 French nouns from participants through an online platform. The inter- and intrastudy reliability of these new ratings indicate that the ratings are robust. We then aimed to determine the role of BOI in word recognition. A hierarchical regression analysis was conducted using lexical decision reaction times (RTs) as the dependent variable. BOI was found to be a significant predictor of lexical decision latencies, beyond the contribution of word length, frequency, orthographic distinctiveness, and imageability. Contrary to previous findings in English, higher BOI values were associated with longer RTs in French, indicating an inhibitory effect of BOI on French word processing. Methodological differences may account for this divergent result. Taken together, the results of this study show the independent contribution of BOI to word recognition in French. This supports the notion that sensorimotor information is a crucial component of language processing. By providing a reliable and sizable BOI database for French nouns, we offer a valuable resource for psycholinguistic and language processing research. This research underscores the complex relationship between language, cognition, and sensorimotor experiences, advancing our comprehension of language processing mechanisms.

Humans can read and comprehend text rapidly, implying that readers might process multiple words per fixation. However, the extent to which parafoveal words are previewed and integrated into the evolving sentence context remains disputed. We investigated parafoveal processing during natural reading by recording brain activity and eye movements using MEG and an eye tracker while participants silently read one-line sentences. The sentences contained an unpredictable target word that was either congruent or incongruent with the sentence context. To measure parafoveal processing, we flickered the target words at 60 Hz and measured the resulting brain responses (i.e. Rapid Invisible Frequency Tagging, RIFT) during fixations on the pre-target words. Our results revealed a significantly weaker tagging response for target words that were incongruent with the previous context compared to congruent ones, even within 100ms of fixating the word immediately preceding the target. This reduction in the RIFT response was also found to be predictive of individual reading speed. We conclude that semantic information is not only extracted from the parafovea but can also be integrated with the previous context before the word is fixated. This early and extensive parafoveal processing supports the rapid word processing required for natural reading. Our study suggests that theoretical frameworks of natural reading should incorporate the concept of deep parafoveal processing.

Prediction has a fundamental role in language processing. However, predictions can be made at different levels, and it is not always clear whether speech sounds, morphemes, words, meanings, or communicative functions are anticipated during dialogues. Previous studies reported specific brain signatures of communicative pragmatic function, in particular enhanced brain responses immediately after encountering an utterance used to request an object from a partner, but relatively smaller ones when the same utterance was used for naming the object. The present experiment now investigates whether similar neuropragmatic signatures emerge in recipients before the onset of upcoming utterances carrying different predictable communicative functions. Trials started with a context question and object pictures displayed on the screen, raising the participant\'s expectation that words from a specific semantic category (food or tool) would subsequently be used to either name or request one of the objects. Already 600 msec before utterance onset, a larger prediction potential was observed when a request was anticipated relative to naming expectation. As this result is congruent with the neurophysiological difference previously observed right after the critical utterance, the anticipatory brain activity may index predictions about the social-communicative function of upcoming utterances. In addition, we also found that the predictable semantic category of the upcoming word was likewise reflected in the anticipatory brain potential. Thus, the neurophysiological characteristics of the prediction potential can capture different types of upcoming linguistic information, including semantic and pragmatic aspects of an upcoming utterance and communicative action.

The way we establish meaning has been a profound question not only in language research but in developmental science as well. The relation between linguistic form and content has been loosened up in recent pragmatic approaches to communication, showing that code-based models of language comprehension must be augmented by context-sensitive, pragmatic-inferential mechanisms to recover the speaker\'s intended meaning. Language acquisition has traditionally been thought to involve building a mental lexicon and extracting syntactic rules from noisy linguistic input, while communicative-pragmatic inferences have also been argued to be indispensable. Recent research findings exploring the electrophysiological indicator of semantic processing, the N400, have raised serious questions about the traditional separation between semantic decoding and pragmatic inferential processes. The N400 appears to be sensitive to mentalization-the ability to attribute beliefs to social partners-already from its developmental onset. This finding raises the possibility that mentalization may not simply contribute to pragmatic inferences that enrich linguistic decoding processes but that the semantic system may be functioning in a fundamentally mentalistic manner. The present review first summarizes the key contributions of pragmatic models of communication to language comprehension. Then, it provides an overview of how communicative intentions are interpreted in developmental theories of communication, with a special emphasis on mentalization. Next, it discusses the sensitivity of infants to the information-transmitting potential of language, their ability to pick up its code-like features, and their capacity to track language comprehension of social partners using mentalization. In conclusion, I argue that the recovery of meaning during linguistic communication is not adequately modeled as a process of code-based semantic retrieval complemented by pragmatic inferences. Instead, the semantic system may establish meaning, as intended, during language comprehension and acquisition through mentalistic attribution of content to communicative partners.

The relation between the action verb semantic processing and sensorimotor experience remains controversial. In this study, we examined whether plasticity changes in brain are specifically related to semantic processing of foot action verbs when long-term motor training is mainly aimed at the foot. To address this question, we acquired resting-state functional magnetic resonance imaging scans and behavioral data from a verb two-choice task from female expertise football players and football novices. We compared the resting-state functional connectivity (rsFC) differences between experts and novices using motor execution regions and general semantic regions (left anterior temporal lobe, lATL) as seed, and explored the neural correlates of behavioral performance. Here, the drift rate (v) parameter of the drift diffusion model (DDM) was used to capture the semantic processing capability. We found experts showed increased correlation between lATL subregions and important brain regions for motor processing, including supplementary motor area (SMA), bilateral paracentral lobule (PL), superior parietal lobule and inferior parietal lobule, in contrast to novices. Further predictive model analysis showed the FC found in rsFC analysis can significantly predict drift rate of foot action verb in both experts and novices, but not drift rate of hand action verb. Our findings therefore establish a connection between effector-related semantic processing and the plasticity changes in brain functional connectivity, attributable to long-term foot-related motor training. This provides evidence supporting the view that semantic processing is fundamentally rooted in the sensorimotor system.

This study examined lexical-semantic processing in children with Developmental Language Disorder (DLD) during visually situated comprehension of real-time spoken words. Existing evidence suggests that children with DLD may experience challenges in lexical access and retrieval, as well as greater lexical competition compared to their peers with Typical Development (TD). However, the specific nature of these difficulties remains unclear. Using eye-tracking methodology, the study investigated the real-time comprehension of semantic relationships in children with DLD and their age-matched peers. The results revealed that, for relatively frequent nouns, both groups demonstrated similar comprehension of semantic relationships. Both groups favored the semantic competitor when it appeared with an unrelated visual referent. In turn, when the semantic competitor appeared with the visual referent of the spoken word, both groups disregarded the competitor. This finding shows that, although children with DLD usually present a relatively impoverished vocabulary, frequent nouns may not pose greater difficulties for them. While the temporal course of preference for the competitor or the referent was similar between the two groups, numerical, though non-significant, differences in the extension of the clusters were observed. In summary, this research demonstrates that monolingual preschoolers with DLD exhibit similar lexical access to frequent words compared to their peers with TD. Future studies should investigate the performance of children with DLD on less frequent words to provide a comprehensive understanding of their lexical-semantic abilities.

We investigated whether, during visual word recognition, semantic processing is modulated by attentional control mechanisms directed at matching semantic information with task-relevant goals. In previous research, we analyzed the semantic Stroop interference as a function of response latency (delta-plot analyses) and found that this phenomenon mainly occurs in the slowest responses. Here, we investigated whether this pattern is due to reduced ability to proactively maintain the task goal in these slowest trials. In two pairs of experiments, participants completed two semantic Stroop tasks: a classic semantic Stroop task (Experiment 1A and 2A) and a semantic Stroop task combined with an n-back task (Experiment 1B and 2B). The two pairs of experiments only differed in the trial pace, which was slightly faster in Experiments 2A and 2B than in Experiments 1A and 1B. By taxing the executive control system, the n-back task was expected to hinder proactive control. Delta-plot analyses of the semantic Stroop task replicated the enhanced effect in the slowest responses, but only under sufficient time pressure. Combining the semantic Stroop task with the n-back task produced a change in the distributional profile of semantic Stroop interference, which we ascribe to a general difficulty in the use of proactive control. Our findings suggest that semantic Stroop interference is, to some extent, dependent on the available executive resources, while also being sensitive to subtle variations in task conditions.