This paper reviewed the historical evolution of the varieties of Draconis Sanguis in traditional Chinese medicine(TCM) and discussed several doubts. Draconis Sanguis used in ancient Europe and Arabia was derived from Dracaena plants, and that originating from Southeast Asia entered the market in the 16 th century. Draconis Sanguis was introduced into China in the 5 th century at the latest and was once mixed with shellac for use. Draconis Sanguis in the Tang Dynasty and before was the resin of Dracaena plants. Scholars in the Song Dynasty have known that Draconis Sanguis came from the resin of tall trees, but their understanding of origin plants was inconsistent with the facts. The origin of Draconis Sanguis in the Song Dynasty was basically determined to be Mirbat(Maliba), Cengtan, and Somali, as well as Socotra Archipelago. About 1371-1416, Draconis Sanguis prepared from Daemonorops draco was imported into China, and was recorded earlier in The Overall Survey of the Ocean\'s Shores(Ying Ya Sheng Lan) and Code of Great Ming Dynasty(Da Ming Hui Dian). Draconis Sanguis prepared from Dracaena plants was still authentic for a long time after the import of that from D. draco into China. During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Dian Zhi(1625), a lost edition of Materia Medica in Southern Yunnan(Dian Nan Ben Cao), Textual Research on Reality and Titles of Plants(Zhi Wu Ming Shi Tu Kao), and other local chronicles recorded that a new type of Draconis Sanguis(Mu Xue Jie) was produced in Yuanjiang, Yunnan province. The New Yunnan Chronicles of the Republic of China recorded the production of another type of Draconis Sanguis(Qi Lin Jie) in Xishuangbanna. However, the authenticity of the above two types has been difficult to confirm. In modern times, Draconis Sanguis prepared from D. draco gradually became the mainstream variety. In the 1970 s, Dracaena cochinchinensi was found in Yunnan and other provinces, and Draconis Sanguis from D. cochinchinensi was developed. This study is expected to provide a solid and reliable literature support for the research and development of Draconis Sanguis, enrich historical materials, and provide new clues for follow-up research.

In ancient China, an unobstructed, convenient and efficient transmission system nationwide was established for long-distance transmission of information. The transmission system works to different degrees in different regions, which is an important index to measure the interregional information level. Yet, some minor differences, may not be easily sensed by people subjectively. Identifying and quantifying the influences of information transmission efficiency is the best way to solve this problem. Based on the historical information map visualized by ArcGIS software, this study established a hierarchy evaluation model suitable for the analysis of ancient information transmission efficiency from three aspects of Wei-Suo system, beacon system and post system. The information transmission systems in five different regions of Wenzhou in the Ming Dynasty were quantitatively explored respectively. The results break through the qualitative conclusions of the general studies, and find out that the overall information transmission efficiency of Wenzhou in Ming Dynasty was strong in coastal, northern and southern regions, but weak in inland and central regions, which was closely related to the geographical environment and military defense demands in coastal areas of the Ming Dynasty. The model is proven to greatly contribute to judging the spatial configuration of ancient information transmission system in different regions, and provides a new idea for the study on ancient information transmission system.

Archaeological and paleoecological evidence shows that by 10,000 BCE, all human societies employed varying degrees of ecologically transformative land use practices, including burning, hunting, species propagation, domestication, cultivation, and others that have left long-term legacies across the terrestrial biosphere. Yet, a lingering paradigm among natural scientists, conservationists, and policymakers is that human transformation of terrestrial nature is mostly recent and inherently destructive. Here, we use the most up-to-date, spatially explicit global reconstruction of historical human populations and land use to show that this paradigm is likely wrong. Even 12,000 y ago, nearly three quarters of Earth\'s land was inhabited and therefore shaped by human societies, including more than 95% of temperate and 90% of tropical woodlands. Lands now characterized as \"natural,\" \"intact,\" and \"wild\" generally exhibit long histories of use, as do protected areas and Indigenous lands, and current global patterns of vertebrate species richness and key biodiversity areas are more strongly associated with past patterns of land use than with present ones in regional landscapes now characterized as natural. The current biodiversity crisis can seldom be explained by the loss of uninhabited wildlands, resulting instead from the appropriation, colonization, and intensifying use of the biodiverse cultural landscapes long shaped and sustained by prior societies. Recognizing this deep cultural connection with biodiversity will therefore be essential to resolve the crisis.

A large scholarship currently holds that before the onset of anthropogenic global warming, natural climatic changes long provoked subsistence crises and, occasionally, civilizational collapses among human societies. This scholarship, which we term the \'history of climate and society\' (HCS), is pursued by researchers from a wide range of disciplines, including archaeologists, economists, geneticists, geographers, historians, linguists and palaeoclimatologists. We argue that, despite the wide interest in HCS, the field suffers from numerous biases, and often does not account for the local effects and spatiotemporal heterogeneity of past climate changes or the challenges of interpreting historical sources. Here we propose an interdisciplinary framework for uncovering climate-society interactions that emphasizes the mechanics by which climate change has influenced human history, and the uncertainties inherent in discerning that influence across different spatiotemporal scales. Although we acknowledge that climate change has sometimes had destructive effects on past societies, the application of our framework to numerous case studies uncovers five pathways by which populations survived-and often thrived-in the face of climatic pressures.

Many studies in modern times claim that the name \" 100-day cough\" is from traditional Chinese medicine, and even think that there is a description of pertussis as early as the Sui Dynasty classics. By reviewing the original texts of the classics, we found that these interpretations are not exactly. The description of the pertussis and the chronological distribution of the literature in traditional Chinese books are similar to those of Western medicine. They started about 500 years ago, and then become more detailed and specific. The domestic medical community has a variety of nomenclature for this disease, and there is no sign or evidence to uniformly use \"100-day cough\" as the disease name. The literature records suggest that \"100-day cough\" first became a more recognized disease name in Japan, and through the direct input of medical education, entered the modern medical textbooks of western medicine in China.
近现代很多文献持\"百日咳\"一称出自中国医书的观点，甚至认为早在隋朝典籍中就有关于百日咳的描述。通过回顾典籍原文，可知这些解读有误。中国传统典籍对百日咳的描述和文献年代分布特征与西医学相似，始于约500年前，此后记录愈发翔实具体。国内医界对此病有多种命名，没有统一使用\"百日咳\"作为病名的迹象和证据。文献记录显示\"百日咳\"首先在日本成为一个较为公认的疾病名称，并通过医学教育的直接输入，进入中国西医学现代教育课本。.

Zhaixinglou Zhidou Quanshu (, Encyclopedia of Smallpox from the Star-Picking Pavilion) is considered as the epitome of theory and the experience collected of the doctors treating smallpox in Ming dynasty. There exists some mistakes and lack of detailed introductions about it and its author Zhu Yilin in some bibliographies. Zhu\'s style name is\"Jixiang\", and\"Yingwo\"is his art name. His most active time was during the reigns of Wanli and Chongzhen emperors. He learned medicine because of his illness and became good at treating smallpox. After failing to pass the Imperial examinations, he focused on practicing medicine. Zhu Yilin\'s printed medical works include Douyan Qulu Ji, Lundou Youxi Pian, Zhidou Dachengji (, Collections of Treating Smallpox), and his medical records. There are the preface of 1st Year of Tianqi Reign wood-block edition, and 2 copied manuscripts, one in Japan and the other in Taiwan. Zhu\'s descendant Zhu Fa and Zhu Cun collected his works above and compiled as one book, renamed its name to Zhaixinglou Zhidou Quanshu during Qianlong and Daoguang Reign and printed it in 1826, which is called the Daoguang Gengletang edition. Some reference books and textbooks mistake it as compiled in 1619, printed in 1743 or 1765. In addition, Fu Zhichao Zhongdouxinfa (, Supplemented Extracts of Variolation Methods) in Zhaixinglou Zhidou Quanshu was mainly based on Youke Zhongdou Xinfa Yaozhi (, Pediatric Variolation Essentials), and extracted many books like Douzhen Dinglun (, Verdict on Smallpox).
《摘星楼治痘全书》被认为是明人治痘理论与经验集大成之作。目前有关该书及其作者朱一麟的著录时有谬误，也缺乏详细介绍。朱一麟字季祥，号应我，主要活动年代为万历至崇祯年间，他因病习医，擅长治痘，举业不第后专于行医，刊有《痘言蘧庐集》《论痘游戏篇》《治痘大成集》，并有医案流传于世。其《治痘大成集》尚存明天启元年刊本、日本抄本与台湾抄本残卷。清乾隆至道光年间，其后人朱法与朱珔又搜集朱一麟著述与医案，编成《摘星楼治痘全书》，于1826年刊刻，即道光耕乐堂藏板。一些工具书和教材将《摘星楼治痘全书》成书时间定为1619年、上海耕乐堂刻本版刻时间著录为清乾隆三十年(1765年)或乾隆七年(1742)序刻本，均误。此外，《摘星楼治痘全书》之《附摘钞种痘心法》是以《幼科种痘心法要旨》为基础，摘抄《痘疹定论》等多部书而成。.

Idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) is a progressive pulmonary interstitial inflammatory disease of unknown etiology, and is also a sequela in severe patients with the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19). Nintedanib and pirfenidone are the only two known drugs which are conditionally recommended for the treatment of IPF by the FDA. However, these drugs pose some adverse side effects such as nausea and diarrhoea during clinical applications. Therefore, it is of great value and significance to identify effective and safe therapeutic drugs to solve the clinical problems associated with intake of western medicine. As a unique medical treatment, Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) has gradually exerted its advantages in the treatment of IPF worldwide through a multi-level and multi-target approach. Further, to overcome the current clinical problems of oral and injectable intakes of TCM, pulmonary drug delivery system (PDDS) could be designed to reduce the systemic metabolism and adverse reactions of the drug and to improve the bioavailability of drugs. Through PubMed, Google Scholar, Web of Science, and CNKI, we retrieved articles published in related fields in recent years, and this paper has summarized twenty-seven Chinese compound prescriptions, ten single TCM, and ten active ingredients for effective prevention and treatment of IPF. We also introduce three kinds of inhaling PDDS, which supports further research of TCM combined with PDDS to treat IPF.

Rehmanniae Radix (Dihuang in Chinese) is a commonly used medicinal herb in a long history, raw Dihuang, dried Dihuang, processed Dihuang and other varieties have been recorded in the classical prescriptions of past dynasties. In order to clarify the origin and variety evolution of different processed products of Dihuang in Chinese classical prescriptions, ancient herbal books were examined in this paper. Both ancient and modern Dihuang is derived from Rehmannia glutinosa Libosch. in Scrophulariaceae, and R. chingii Li has been used as local medication. Dihuang has been cultivated since the Southern and Northern Dynasties, and the cultivation technique was mature in the Tang and Song Dynasties. Huaiqing Prefecture of Henan Province has been regarded as its genuine producing area. \"Dried Dihuang\" in Shennong Bencao Jing(, Shennong\'s Classic of Materia Medica) included raw Dihuang and processed Dihuang. Mingyi Bielu(, Alternative Records of Famous Physicians) has described \"raw Dihuang\" and \"Dried Dihuang\" separately, in which \"raw Dihuang\" should be fresh Dihuang in modern times. Bencao Tujing(, Illustration of Materia Medica) in the Song Dynasty has recorded \"raw Dihuang\" and \"processed Dihuang\" correspondingly. The \"raw Dihuang\" was similar to today\'s raw Dihuang. \"Processed Dihuang\" has been recorded in the prescriptions of the Qin and Han Dynasties, which was independently described in the Song Dynasty. The processing methods of processed Dihuang were various in the Ming Dynasty. Processed Dihuang mainly refers to the dried products after stewing with wine or steaming until dark, and the processing methods tend to be simplified in modern times. \"Raw and dried Dihuang\" and \"dried and processed Dihuang\" have been independently recorded first in ancient herbal books of the Ming Dynasty, which is the raw Dihuang and processed Dihuang, respectively. This paper has sorted out the varieties of Dihuang, providing a basis of herbology for the origin and processing of traditional Chinese medicinal materials of Dihuang.
地黄是一味常用的大宗药材，历代经典名方中常收录生地黄、干地黄、熟地黄、干熟地黄、生干地黄等多个品种。为理清经典名方中不同地黄炮制品的来源及品种演变关系，本文对历代本草著作进行了梳理。古今地黄均来源于玄参科植物地黄Rehmannia glutinosa Libosch.；天目地黄R. chingii Li曾作为地方品种。南北朝时期地黄已有栽培，唐宋时期栽培技术成熟；河南怀庆府自明代被认为是地黄的道地产区。《神农本草经》所载\"干地黄\"包括了今天的生地黄和熟地黄；《名医别录》将\"生地黄\"和\"干地黄\"相应分条描述，此时所载的生地黄为今之鲜地黄；宋代《本草图经》将\"生地黄\"与\"熟地黄\"相应描述，所载生地黄与今之生地黄相近，生地黄在宋代发生了含义的转变；\"熟地黄\"在秦汉时期的药方中已有记载，宋代单列并独立描述，明代熟地黄的加工方法多样，近代熟地黄加工方式趋于简化。\"生干地黄\"与\"干熟地黄\"在本草中独立成条见于明代本草，分别为今之生地黄和熟地黄，两者名称现今基本不用。通过梳理，为经典名方中地黄类药材的基原及加工提供本草学依据。.

Wa Na Qi(), is a traditional-curing male impotence medicinal. We have made several conclusions through a field investigation to Antarctica, material medica literature research, and current market investigation. Throughout history, Wa Na Qi (also known ashaigou shen) was a word of vague connotation which was not the meaning of a specific product. However, the most common meaning of Wa Na Qi was the penises of several different species of seals. The name Wa Na Qi was adapted from a foreign word, and it is believed to sound like walrus, which has also been credited as a source for Wa Na Qi. In Chinese, Wa Na was a reference to the roundness of the walrus but eventually became a general description of heaviness. Later, it became a name for fur seals. The Song Dynasty Materia Medica Bencao Tujing(, Illustration of Materia Medica) and the Ming Dynasty Materia Medica Bencao Pinhui Jingyao(, Collected Essentials of Species of Materia Medica) both had animal illustrations resembling fur seals. The illustrations in the Compendium of Materia Medica, or Bencao Gangmu, Jinling edition also had characteristics of a fur seal. However, in the Buyi Leigong Paozhi Bianlan(, Lei Gong\'s Guide to Drug Preparation with Addenda) and later materia medica works, the animal illustrations became distorted and almost myth-like. After a field investigation in Antarctica, we learned that historically, name Wa Na Qi probably originated from seals, such as fur seals. This information matches the current medicines available on the market.
腽肭脐为一味传统的补肾壮阳药，通过本草考证、香港及内地市场及生产厂家的调查，南极半岛及南设得兰群岛海域的实地考察，提出以下结论：腽肭脐(海狗肾)在历史上其实是一个比较笼统的概念，主要指源自海狗、海豹类几种海洋动物的外肾。腽肭脐一词，属于古代的外来语，其读音贴近海狗肾来源之一的海象Walrus一词。因为海象的肥耎，汉语中出现了一个音译词\"腽肭\"。最初宋代的《本草图经》与明代的《本草品汇精要》描述的原动物为海豹类。《本草纲目》(金陵版)所绘者与有鬃毛的海狗(毛皮海狮)的特征比较符合。《补遗雷公炮制便览》及此后本草书中，加入了主观臆想成分，进而以讹传讹。通过在南极周边海域的实地考察，了解到历史上腽肭脐可能源自海狗(毛皮海狮)及海豹类，这与现今药材市场海狗与海豹两大种群基本吻合。经对现今中国内地与香港市场品种实地考察，以海狗肾之名售卖者，包括海狗、海象、海豹类外生殖器。.

Seventeen glass vessels and twenty glass beads recovered from the excavations at the ancient city of Malindi and the archaeological site of Mambrui in Kenya, east Africa were analysed using electron probe microanalysis (EPMA) and laser ablation-inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry (LA-ICP-MS). The results show that all of the glass samples are soda-lime-silica glass. They belong to the high alumina -plant ash glass type, characterised by high alumina and relatively low calcium contents, widely distributed in eastern (10th- 16th centuries AD) and southern Africa (13th - 15th centuries AD), Central Asia (9th- 14th centuries AD) and southeast Asia (12th- 13th centuries AD), made with plant ashes and sands. This is an understudied glass type for which previous research has indicated there were three types. When compared with published research on such glasses using Zr, Ti, Ba, Cr, La, Li, Cs, Na2O, MgO and CaO we have identified at least four different compositional groups of v-Na-Al glass: Types A, B, C and D. By comparing the results with contemporary v-Na-Al glass vessels and beads from Central Asia, Africa, and southeast Asia we show that most of the Malindi and Mambrui glass share similar characteristics to the compositions of Mapungubwe Oblate and some of the Madagascar glass beads from southern Africa. They belong to Type A v-Na-Al glass which is characterised by an elevated level of Ti and Ba and a relatively high ratios of Cr/La, relatively low Zr concentrations and low ratios of Zr/Ti. Differences in Zr, Li, MgO and Na2O concentrations in Type A glass indicates that there are subgroups which might derive from different glass workshop(s) specialising in Type A v-Na-Al glass production. Comparison with the chemical compositions of glass from Ghazni, Afghanistan and Termez, Uzbekistan, and by using lead isotope analysis, we suggest v-Na-Al glass was manufactured in Central Asia and possibly worked into vessels and beads there.