Little is known about the prevalence of incapacitating substances present in drug facilitated sexual assaults (DFSA). Presented here is a literature review conducted to provide background information, such as symptoms, exacerbations, and drug interactions, on drugs typically implicated in DFSA, namely gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB), gamma-butyrolactone (GBL), 1,4-butanediol (1,4-BD), ketamine, diazepam, oxycodone, methamphetamine, and alcohol. Literature found through Scopus and Pubmed was reviewed to determine the current prevalence of these substances in DFSA with a focus on Australian data. The global literature revealed that there is a wide variety of substances used in DFSA and the prevalence varied by country. For example, it was found that in Northern Ireland, opioids were most prevalent whereas in France, benzodiazepines were most prevalent. In Australia the review revealed a lack of contemporary data with the most recent report in Victoria using data collected during 2011-2013. The literature also revealed there can be an important difference between self-reported substance use and substances discovered via toxicological analysis. This can be due to the challenges of biological detection, reliability of self-reporting, and the possibility of a substance being introduced to a person\'s food or drink without their knowledge. This review highlights the need for the collection and analysis of current data pertaining to DFSA reports and the drugs detected, and due to the constantly evolving picture of both licit and illicit drug use an assessment of the role of prescription medications in DFSA due to drug-drug interactions as well as potential to incapacitate is warranted.

Numerous cities are experimenting with pre-booking diversion programs that allow police officers to divert community members to supportive services in instances that would otherwise result in arrest and prosecution. These programs aim to decrease harmful involvement with the criminal justice system while reducing crime and public disorder. Although previous research has explored the experiences of people receiving diversion referrals and of police officers initiating them, none have examined the perspectives of community members who can offer crucial insights into planning, evaluation, and implementation barriers. We administered a survey to 293 people living in four police districts where the Philadelphia Police Department operates a pre-booking diversion program. The survey explored residents\' perspectives on the program as well as their broader views on associated issues like decriminalization of substance use, sex work, and minor theft. Bivariate χ2 tests and multivariate logistic regression examined differences in responses between subgroups. Perspectives were diverse and varied based on demographic attributes of the respondents as well as on district level attributes, like crime patterns. Most surveyed community members perceived pre-booking diversion to be a valuable tool for improving the experiences and outcomes of policing. However, residents living in areas with more crime and with more public disorder held significantly less positive perspectives. Their skepticism may reflect the possibility that pre-booking diversion and similar reforms are necessary but not sufficient to transforming individual health and public safety in some areas.

This article centres on contemporary mergers between state security practices, popular media and religion in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It discusses the actions and the representations of BOPE - Batalhão de Operações Especiais da Polícia Militar do Rio de Janeiro - the special operations battalion of the military police of Rio de Janeiro, to show how this unit frequently employs Christian symbols and practices to legitimate violence at the border between the legal and the illegal. BOPE\'s religious iconography is amplified by movies, memes, toys and popular clothing. BOPE\'s military pop-culture can best be regarded as theopolitical because such a perspective underscores the fact that different Christian symbols and practices, derived from Roman Catholicism and Pentecostalism, produce incoherent political theologies that are fuelled by bottom-up innovations and institutional legacies.

BACKGROUND: Prosecutorial discretion to pursue or decline criminal charges is a powerful mechanism determining criminal justice outcomes among people who use drugs (PWUD). In the US, prosecutors are increasingly employing this tool to prevent arrest, incarceration, and subsequent health and social harms among PWUD. Many cite harm reduction as a basis for these reforms; however, the extent of prosecutors\' knowledge and understanding of harm reduction principles, and how they are operationalized in the policy process, remains unclear.
METHODS: We assess references to and application of harm reduction in the policy design and implementation process of prosecutorial drug policy reform in 14 US jurisdictions. In-depth-interviews (N = 16) were conducted with elected prosecutors and their policy staff from November 2021-April 2022. Through initial structured analysis, policymakers\' understanding and utilization of the term \'harm reduction\' emerged as a salient theme which we conducted secondary thematic analysis to further explore.
RESULTS: While all participants identified as progressive, there was wide variation in their ideologies, policy provisions, and engagement with harm reduction principles. Eleven participants explicitly referred to \'reducing harms of drug use\' or \'harm reduction\' as guiding their policy approach; the remainder did not invoke \'harm reduction\' by name but highlighted relevant concepts like racial equity and \'public health approaches\' as core policy tenets. While some prosecutors demonstrated familiarity with traditional harm reduction principles (meeting PWUD where they are, reducing harms to them), others focused on harm to the wider community (the \'public,\' businesses, etc). Invocation of harm reduction was not always consistent with specific policy provisions: prosecutors implemented policies ranging from unconditional non-prosecution of drug possession to diversion, some of which were odds with core harm reduction principles of dignity and justice (i.e., involving coercive treatment incentives/requirements).
CONCLUSIONS: As prosecutors shift their approach to redress the harms caused by drug criminalization, clarity is needed on what a harm reduction approach to using discretionary powers entails. Targeting reform-minded prosecutors with messaging on the principles, evidence base, and best practices of harm reduction is merited.

The high value placed on forensic information in the criminal justice process is demonstrated by the fallout resulting when questions are raised as to the validity of methods used, deficiencies in the understanding of the limitations of results, or uncertainties around the professional expertise or ethical practices of the provider of the information. To effectively act as the \"speaker\" for the scientific evidence in court, forensic science needs to have credibility. The workshop \"Rethinking scientific communication in courts\" held at the Australian National University College of Law in November 2023 explored the subject of science communication in the legal context through the lens of philosophy, law, forensic service provision and meta-science, demonstrating the unique challenges placed on the field of forensic science as a scientific profession confined and defined within a non-scientific system. Stemming from the discussions at the workshop, this paper examines the notion of credibility in science, how forensic science aligns with the hallmarks of a credible scientific community and the influence this has on our understandings of scientific communication in courts.

OBJECTIVE: Following changes to drug criminalization policies, we re-examine the epidemiology of drug arrests among people who use drugs (PWUD) in the U.S.
METHODS: Serial cross-sectional data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (2015-2019) were utilized. Past-year illicit drug use (excluding cannabis) and drug arrests were described by year, area of residence, drug use characteristics and participant demographics. Adjusted associations between race and drug arrest were estimated using multivariable logistic regression.
RESULTS: Past-year illicit drug use remained consistent over time and was highest among non-Hispanic (NH) white respondents. Of those reporting past-year illicit drug use (n = 25,429), prevalence of drug arrests remained stable over time overall and in metro areas while increasing in non-metro areas. Arrests were elevated among NH Black participants and those with lower income, unemployment, housing transience, non-metro area residence, polysubstance use, history of drug injection, substance use dependence and past-year drug selling. Adjusted odds of drug arrest remained significantly higher among NH Black individuals [aOR 1.92, 95% CI 1.30, 2.84].
CONCLUSIONS: Despite recent shifts away from punitive drug policies, we detected no reduction in drug arrests nationally and increasing prevalence in non-metro areas. Despite reporting the lowest level of illicit substance use and drug selling, NH Black individuals had significantly increased odds of arrest across years. Findings highlight the need for further examination of policy implementation and policing practices in different settings, with more research focused non-metro areas, to address enduring structural racism in drug enforcement and its consequences for health.

UNASSIGNED: Although surveillance systems used to mitigate disasters serve essential public health functions, communities of color have experienced disproportionate harms (eg, criminalization) as a result of historic and enhanced surveillance.
UNASSIGNED: To address this, we developed and piloted a novel, equity-based scoring system to evaluate surveillance systems regarding their potential and actual risk of adverse effects on communities made vulnerable through increased exposure to policing, detention/incarceration, deportation, and disruption of access to social services or public resources. To develop the scoring system, we reviewed the literature and surveyed an expert panel on surveillance to identify specific harms (eg, increased policing) that occur through surveillance approaches.
UNASSIGNED: Scores were based on type of information collected (individual and/or neighborhood level) and evidence of sharing information with law enforcement. Scores were 0 (no risk of harm identified), 1 (potential for risk), 2 (evidence of risk), and U (data not publicly accessible). To pilot the scoring system, 44 surveillance systems were identified between June 2020 and October 2020 through an environmental scan of systems directly related to COVID-19 (n=21), behavioral and health-related services (n=11), and racism and racism-related factors (n=12). A score of 0-2 was assigned to 91% (n=40) of the systems; 9% were scored U; 30% (n=13) scored a 0. Half scored a 1 (n=22), indicating a \"potential for the types of harm of concern in this analysis.\" \"Evidence of harm,\" a score of 2, was found for 12% (n=5).
UNASSIGNED: The potential for surveillance systems to compromise the health and well-being of racialized and/or vulnerable populations has been understudied. This project developed and piloted a scoring system to accomplish this equity-based imperative. The nobler pursuits of public health to improve the health for all must be reconciled with these potential harms.

Recent work has emphasized the disproportionate bias faced by minorities when interacting with law enforcement. However, research on the topic has been hampered by biased sampling in administrative data, namely that records of police interactions with citizens only reflect information on the civilians that police elect to investigate, and not civilians that police observe but do not investigate. In this work, we address a related bias in administrative police data which has received less empirical attention, namely reporting biases around investigations that have taken place. Further, we investigate whether digital monitoring tools help mitigate this reporting bias. To do so, we examine changes in reports of interactions between law enforcement and citizens in the wake of the New York City Police Department\'s replacement of analog memo books with mobile smartphones. Results from a staggered difference in differences estimation indicate a significant increase in reports of citizen stops once the new smartphones are deployed. Importantly, we observe that the rise is driven by increased reports of \"unproductive\" stops, stops involving non-White citizens, and stops occurring in areas characterized by a greater concentration of crime and non-White residents. These results reinforce the recent observation that prior work has likely underestimated the extent of racial bias in policing. Further, they highlight that the implementation of digital monitoring tools can mitigate the issue to some extent.

BACKGROUND: Health and human rights organizations have endorsed drug decriminalization to promote public health-oriented approaches to substance use. In the US, policymakers have begun to pursue this via prosecutorial discretion-or the decision by a prosecutor to decline criminal charges for drug possession in their jurisdiction. This study characterizes drivers of adoption, policy design and implementation processes, and barriers to impact and sustainability of this approach to inform evolving policy efforts promoting the health of people who use drugs (PWUD).
METHODS: We conducted n=22 key informant interviews with policymakers and national policy experts representing 13 jurisdictions implementing de facto drug policy reforms. Analyses were informed by the Exploration, Preparation, Implementation and Sustainment (EPIS) framework and analyzed using a hybrid inductive-deductive approach.
RESULTS: Drivers of policy adoption included racial inequities, perceived failures of criminalization, and desires to prioritize violent crime given resource constraints. Three distinct policy typologies are described with varying conditions for eligibility, linkage to services, and policy transparency and dissemination. Public misinformation, police resistance and political opposition were seen as threats to sustainability.
CONCLUSIONS: Given evidence that criminalization amplifies drug-related harms, many policymakers are adopting de facto drug policy reforms in the absence of formal legislation. This is the first study to systematically describe relevant implementation processes and emerging policy models. Findings have implications for designing rigorous evaluations on health outcomes and informing sustainable evidence-based policies to promote health and racial equity of PWUD in the US.

UNASSIGNED: Chalfin and Kaplan attend to the problem of police misconduct with a series of simulation analyses that leverage data on complaints and uses of force in the Chicago Police Department. They conclude that incapacitating officers has minimal effects on misconduct and that, given political constraints, policy makers may prefer broader reforms around accountability and management to removing \"bad apples\". In this comment, we argue that this conclusion and its policy implications are characterized by \"incredible certitude\" driven by a selective focus on a subset of their full simulation results and inadequate incorporation of network spillovers into their analysis.
UNASSIGNED: Contrary to CK\'s conclusions, their preferred estimates of the effect of incapacitating \"bad apples\" on misconduct are squarely within the range of other interventions aimed at reducing police complaints and use of force. Once network spillovers are accounted for, estimates are up to five times as large. We conclude with a discussion of how even small reductions in misconduct can have outsized benefits as measured in both dollars and human suffering, and argue that the removal of problem officers is a normative good that should be pursued on moral grounds.