Reproductive Rights

生殖权利
  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    目的:辅助生殖技术(ART)的不断进步以及公众对婚姻和生育的态度不断发展,导致越来越多的需要特别关注的群体(GRSA)希望通过这些技术来满足他们的生殖需求。这些群体包括单身女性(包括没有孩子的单身母亲),同性伴侣,和高风险职业的女性,在其他人中。本文的目的是探讨为GRSA适当开放ART的可行性。
    方法:本文从理论基础和现实意义两个角度讨论了对GRSA适度开放ART的优势。它还分析了当前开放ART的制约因素,并提出了适度开放的建议。
    结果:ART的适度自由化可以为尊重和实现GRSA的生殖自由提供技术支持,具有一定的理论和现实意义。然而,它也受到制约。
    结论:我们呼吁政府与时俱进,基于当前的政治舞台,经济,社会发展,进一步承认和保护公民的生育权,优先考虑公众的实际需求,并探索政策法规,逐步放宽对GRSAART的限制。
    OBJECTIVE: The continuous advancement of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) and the evolving attitudes towards marriage and fertility among the general public have led to an increasing number of groups requiring special attention (GRSA) desiring to fulfill their reproductive needs through these technologies. These groups include single women (including single mothers without children), same-sex couples, and women in high-risk occupations, among others. The purpose of this paper is to explore the feasibility of appropriately liberalizing ART for GRSA.
    METHODS: This paper discusses the advantages of a moderate liberalization of ART for GRSA from two perspectives: a theoretical basis and a practical significance level. It also analyzes the current constraints on liberalizing ART and presents suggestions for moderate liberalization.
    RESULTS: The moderate liberalization of ART can provide technical support for respecting and realizing the reproductive freedom of GRSA, which has certain theoretical and practical significance. However, it is also subject to constraints.
    CONCLUSIONS: We call for government to keep pace with the times, based on the current stage of political, economic, and social development, to further recognize and protect citizens\' reproductive rights, prioritize the practical needs of the public, and explore policies and regulations for gradually loosening the restrictions on ART for GRSA.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    在自由和权利的讨论中,分歧和争议是不可避免的,尤其是在繁殖方面。中国第一个社会卵子冻结诉讼提出了一个问题:出于社会原因冻结卵子的自由是否合理,因为它是生育权的一个例子?本文接受社会卵子冻结是理想的生殖自由,但是按照哈雷尔的方法,考虑两种权利理论,权利的选择和利益理论,我们认为,社会卵子冻结不是一项生殖权利,因为人们不能仅仅通过描述那些被认为是权利的实例的功能来证明一项权利或权利的实例是正当的,也就是说,选择理论缺乏正统性。由于保留生育力和暂停繁殖本身并不服务于生殖目的,要求社会卵子冷冻作为一项权利的充分理由应该在其他方面找到,而不是在生殖权上,也就是说,利息理论否认需求是一种再生产权。在不保证充足和可获得资源的情况下,以任何理由予以允许,特别是考虑到跨界生殖保健,提出了有关生殖平等的严重问题,并违反了生殖权利的概念。因此,任何社会卵子冷冻的理由都应该权衡是否更紧迫的生殖需求,特别是那些被认为是权利的人,已经见面了。如果繁殖权不是少数人的唯一特权,那么为弱势群体承担这些负担,然后允许社会卵子冻结将是社会进步。
    Divergences and controversies are inevitable in the discussion of freedoms and rights, especially in the matter of reproduction. The Chinese first social egg freezing lawsuit raises the question: is the freedom to freeze eggs for social reasons justified because it is an instance of reproductive rights? This paper accepts social egg freezing as desirable reproductive freedom, but following Harel\'s approach and considering two theories of rights, the choice and interest theories of rights, we argue that social egg freezing is not a reproductive right because one cannot justify a right or an instance of rights via merely describing the function of those instances that have been justified as right, that is, the choice theory lacks justifying normativity. Since reserving fertility and a suspension from reproduction do not serve reproductive ends per se, the sufficient reason for demanding social egg freezing as a right should be found in other ends rather than in right-to-reproduce, that is, the interest theory denies the demand as a right-to-reproduce. Permitting it on any grounds without guaranteeing adequate and accessible resources, especially in light of cross-border reproductive care, raises serious questions about reproductive equality and violates the idea of reproductive rights. Therefore, any ground for social egg freezing should be weighed against whether more pressing reproductive needs, specifically those that are justified as rights, have been met. It would be social progress to shoulder these burdens for the vulnerable and then allow social egg freezing-if right-to-reproduce were not the only privilege of the few.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    在中国,女同性恋夫妇的生育和父母身份及其婚姻状况均不受法律管制或保护。2020年,中国第一起涉及一对女同性恋夫妇对共同婴儿监护权的法律纠纷在法庭上开庭审理。这项研究考察了女同性恋夫妇决定生下自己的孩子时所面临的法律和道德问题。这些挑战始于对他们合法获得辅助生殖技术的监管限制,并扩展到合法建立父母身份的差距。我们发现,中国女同性恋夫妇无法获得合法的生殖援助,这导致他们努力规避法律和法规以生育孩子。然而,立法差距后来导致了解决父母身份纠纷时的道德困境。本研究讨论了在中国建立和确定自然父母身份的不同说法,并指出迫切需要改变对辅助生殖技术和同性关系的立法和社会文化态度,为女同性恋夫妇在婚姻被文化接受并最终合法化之前获得更好的生育和父母保护。
    In China, neither reproduction and parenthood by lesbian couples nor their marital status are regulated or protected by law. In 2020, the first legal dispute in China involving a lesbian couple over custody of their joint baby was heard in court. This study examines the legal and ethical issues that lesbian couples confront when they decide to give birth to a child of their own. These challenges begin with regulatory restrictions on their lawful access to assisted reproductive technology and extend to gaps in the legal establishment of parenthood. We found that the lack of access to legitimate reproductive assistance for lesbian couples in China has caused them to make efforts to circumvent laws and regulations to have a child. However, the legislative gaps later led to ethical dilemmas when resolving disputes over parenthood. This study discusses different accounts of establishing and determining natural parenthood in China and concludes by pointing out the urgent need for change in legislative and sociocultural attitudes toward both assisted reproductive technology and same-sex relationships, mapping the way forward for lesbian couples to obtain better protection of procreation and parenthood before their marriage is culturally accepted and finally legalized.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    生殖权利是一种内在和关键的人类权利,包括生育的法律保护。对这一框架至关重要的是,认识到单身妇女同样应享有生殖权利。尽管中国立法禁止公开禁止单身女性的生育权,传统婚姻规范和计划生育政策的相互作用无意中将这些权利与婚姻状况联系在一起,因此限制了单身女性维护她们的能力。建立健全的法律结构以确保单身女性的生殖权利将极大地促进中国人口动态的和谐发展。
    我们采用细致的文本审查,在中国法学框架内全面分析有关妇女生殖自由的规定。此外,我们进行了实证调查,以列举和阐明在中国背景下对未婚女性生殖自由的各种限制。这项努力需要对中国对单身女性生育权的限制进行详细的阐述和深刻的研究,涵盖法律约束和政策层面。
    缺乏法律上的认可和保障,给中国单身妇女行使生育权造成了很大的障碍。代表单身妇女维护生殖权利的努力不仅在司法执行中遇到复杂的挑战,但他们也遇到了国家政策中的多种障碍。这种困境不仅使单身女性承受相当大的心理压力,而且与实现中国人口协调发展轨迹的总体目标相矛盾。
    中国应加快制定保护生殖权利的法律框架,其中包括支持单身妇女生育的规定。这种法律机构应该有效地体现和保护单身妇女的生殖权利,从而在推动人口发展更加公平和平衡的轨道方面发挥关键作用。
    UNASSIGNED: Reproductive rights represent an intrinsic and pivotal human entitlement, encompassing legal protection for procreation. Essential to this framework is the recognition that single women equally deserve reproductive rights. Although Chinese legislation refrains from overtly disallowing reproductive rights for single women, the interplay of conventional marriage norms and family planning policies has inadvertently tied these rights to marital status, consequently constraining single women\'s ability to assert them. The establishment of a robust legal structure to ensure reproductive rights for single women would profoundly contribute to advancing a harmonious evolution of China\'s population dynamics.
    UNASSIGNED: We employ meticulous textual scrutiny to analyze comprehensively the stipulations concerning women\'s reproductive liberties within the framework of Chinese jurisprudence. Furthermore, we engage in empirical inquiry to enumerate and elucidate the multifarious constraints placed upon the reproductive freedoms of unmarried women in the Chinese context. This endeavor entails a detailed exposition and incisive examination of China\'s limitations imposed upon the reproductive rights of single women, encompassing both legal strictures and policy dimensions.
    UNASSIGNED: The absence of legal endorsement and safeguarding has given rise to substantial impediments to the exercise of reproductive rights among single women in China. Not only do endeavors to assert reproductive rights on behalf of single women encounter intricate challenges in judicial implementation, but they also encounter manifold barriers within national policies. This predicament not only subjects single women to considerable psychological strain but also contradicts the overarching objective of achieving a harmonized population development trajectory in China.
    UNASSIGNED: China should expedite the development of a legal framework for protecting reproductive rights that includes provisions for supporting single women to have children. This legal apparatus should efficaciously enshrine and shield the reproductive rights of single women, thus playing a pivotal role in advancing a more equitable and well-balanced trajectory of population development.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    根据中国法律,智障妇女(WID)有权享有结婚和生育的权利。然而,中国的婚姻和生育制度对他们的结婚权施加了限制,限制了他们行使生育权。与WID结婚已成为农村地区男性的热门选择。虽然在我国民法典中,立法机关废除了婚姻登记的体检要求,WID行使结婚和生育权利仍然受到限制。中国尚未充分落实《联合国残疾人权利公约》规定的残疾人平等权利。中国需要对不同类型的WID行使这些权利设定法律程序要求,从三个层面系统地构建它们:法律基础,立法实施,和机构支持。
    Women with intellectual disabilities (WIDs) are entitled to the rights to marriage and reproduction under Chinese law. However, Chinese marriage and reproduction regimes have imposed restrictions on their right to marry that limit the exercise of their reproductive rights. Marrying WIDs has become a popular choice for men in rural areas. Although in China\'s Civil Code, the legislature has repealed the prior requirement of a medical examination for marriage registration, the exercise of rights to marriage and reproduction by WIDs is still restricted. China has not fully implemented equal rights for persons with disabilities under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. China needs to set legal procedural requirements for the exercise of these rights for different types of WIDs, systematically constructing them at three levels: legal basis, legislative implementation, and institutional support.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:随着中国的生育政策从独生子女一对夫妇调整为普遍的二胎一对夫妇,有越来越多的妇女在先前的剖宫产(CS)后再次怀孕.进行选择性重复CS(ERCS)已被视为理所当然,因此已成为中国CS率提高的主要原因。促进CS(TOLAC)后分娩试验可以降低CS率,而不会影响分娩结果。本研究旨在调查中国产科医生对TOLAC的看法,以及根据二胎政策向有CS病史的孕妇推荐TOLAC的决策相关因素。
    方法:2018年5月至7月进行了横断面调查。二元逻辑回归用于确定与产科医生向有CS病史的孕妇推荐TOLAC的意向相关的因素。独立变量包括社会人口统计学因素和对TOLAC的看法(TOLAC的选择标准,TOLAC选择标准的基础,以及关于推广TOLAC的感知挑战)。
    结果:共调查了426名产科医生,有效率≥83%。结果显示,31.0%的产科医生无意向有CS病史的孕妇推荐TOLAC。他们的决定与有CS病史的孕妇及其家人对接受TOLAC缺乏信心有关(比值比[OR]=2.31;95%CI:1.38-1.38);产科医生对有CS病史的孕妇使用TOLAC的安全性的不确定性(OR=0.49;95%CI:0.27-0.96),以及对不良分娩结果引起的医疗诉讼的担忧(OR=0.14;95%CI:0.07-0.31)。关于执行TOLAC的主要报告挑战是缺乏明确的指导方针来预测或避免与TOLAC相关的风险(83.4%)。产科医生对有CS病史的女性使用TOLAC的安全性不确定(81.2%),孕妇不愿接受与TOLAC相关的风险(81.0%)或对ERCS的需求(80.7%),以及孕妇及其家人对接受TOLAC的缺乏信心(77.5%)或理解(69.7%)。
    结论:一部分中国产科医生不打算向有CS病史的孕妇推荐TOLAC。这种现象与产科医生对TOLAC安全性的担忧以及孕妇及其家人对TOLAC的感知态度密切相关。需要采取有效措施来帮助产科医生预测和降低与TOLAC相关的风险。明确规定TOLAC的适应症,改善劳动管理,并在中国推广TOLAC。此外,有必要对TOLAC进行公共卫生教育,以提高有CS病史的孕妇及其家人对TOLAC的了解,并改善他们与产科医生在共同决策方面的互动。
    BACKGROUND: As the birth policy has been adjusted from one-child-one-couple to universal two-child-one-couple in China, there is an increasing number of women undergoing a second pregnancy after a previous cesarean section (CS). Undertaking an elective repeat CS (ERCS) has been taken for granted and has thus become a major contributor to the increasing CS rate in China. Promoting trial of labor after CS (TOLAC) can reduce the CS rate without compromising delivery outcomes. This study aimed to investigate Chinese obstetricians\' perspectives regarding TOLAC, and the factors associated with their decision-making regarding recommending TOLAC to pregnant women with a history of CS under the two-child policy.
    METHODS: A cross-sectional survey was carried out between May and July 2018. Binary logistic regression was used to determine the factors associated with the obstetricians\' intention to recommend TOLAC to pregnant women with a history of CS. The independent variables included sociodemographic factors and perceptions regarding TOLAC (selection criteria for TOLAC, basis underlying the selection criteria for TOLAC, and perceived challenges regarding promoting TOLAC).
    RESULTS: A total of 426 obstetricians were surveyed, with a response rate of ≥83%. The results showed that 31.0% of the obstetricians had no intention to recommend TOLAC to pregnant women with a history of CS. Their decisions were associated with the perceived lack of confidence regarding undergoing TOLAC among pregnant women with a history of CS and their families (odds ratio [OR] = 2.31; 95% CI: 1.38-1.38); obstetricians\' uncertainty about the safety of TOLAC for pregnant women with a history of CS (OR = 0.49; 95% CI: 0.27-0.96), and worries about medical lawsuits due to adverse delivery outcomes (OR = 0.14; 95% CI: 0.07-0.31). The main reported challenges regarding performing TOLAC were lack of clear guidelines for predicting or avoiding the risks associated with TOLAC (83.4%), obstetricians\' uncertainty about the safety of TOLAC for women with a history of CS (81.2%), pregnant women\'s unwillingness to accept the risks associated with TOLAC (81.0%) or demand for ERCS (80.7%), and the perceived lack of confidence (77.5%) or understanding (69.7%) regarding undergoing TOLAC among pregnant women and their families.
    CONCLUSIONS: A proportion of Chinese obstetricians did not intend to recommend TOLAC to pregnant women with a history of CS. This phenomenon was closely associated with obstetricians\' concerns about TOLAC safety and perceived attitudes of the pregnant women and their families regarding TOLAC. Effective measures are needed to help obstetricians predict and reduce the risks associated with TOLAC, clearly specify the indications for TOLAC, improve labor management, and popularize TOLAC in China. Additionally, public health education on TOLAC is necessary to improve the understanding of TOLAC among pregnant women with a history of CS and their families, and to improve their interactions with their obstetricians regarding shared decision making.
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  • 文章类型: Letter
    新型冠状病毒病(COVID-19)于2019年12月在中国首次宣布爆发,世卫组织于2020年3月11日宣布大流行。在所有大陆都观察到确诊病例数量迅速上升,欧洲目前处于疫情爆发的中心。性健康和生殖健康(SRH)和权利是流行病期间的重要公共卫生问题。新型冠状病毒(SARS-CoV-2)对人类来说是新的,只有有限的科学证据来确定COVID-19疾病对SRH的影响,包括妊娠期间感染的临床表现和结果,或患有性传播感染/艾滋病毒相关免疫抑制的人。超出了SRH的临床范围,我们不应忽视卫生系统层面的影响以及正常提供SRH服务的中断或中断,例如产前和产后检查,安全堕胎,避孕,艾滋病毒/艾滋病和性传播感染。此外,其他方面值得关注,例如基于性别的暴力和家庭暴力的潜在增加,与COVID-19相关的污名和歧视的影响及其对SRH客户和医疗保健提供者的影响。因此,科学界迫切需要产生健全的临床,流行病学,以及COVID-19和SRH与权利结果之间的心理社会行为联系。
    The novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak was first declared in China in December 2019, and WHO declared the pandemic on 11 March 2020. A fast-rising number of confirmed cases has been observed in all continents, with Europe at the epicentre of the outbreak at this moment.Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) and rights is a significant public health issue during the epidemics. The novel coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) is new to humans, and only limited scientific evidence is available to identify the impact of the disease COVID-19 on SRH, including clinical presentation and outcomes of the infection during pregnancy, or for persons with STI/HIV-related immunosuppression. Beyond the clinical scope of SRH, we should not neglect the impacts at the health system level and disruptions or interruptions in regular provision of SRH services, such as pre- and postnatal checks, safe abortion, contraception, HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections. Furthermore, other aspects merit attention such as the potential increase of gender-based violence and domestic abuse, and effects of stigma and discrimination associated with COVID-19 and their effects on SRH clients and health care providers. Therefore, there is an urgent need for the scientific community to generate sound clinical, epidemiological, and psycho-social behavioral links between COVID-19 and SRH and rights outcomes.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    生殖技术的使用和生殖服务提供者最终的生殖疏忽导致了预期父母被剥夺抚养与他们有遗传联系的孩子的情况。法院多年来一直在处理这些案件,但系统性地拒绝了索赔人(准父母)的赔偿,未能认识到遗传联系的丧失是损害。2017年,第一次,新加坡高等法院对这一损害提供了赔偿,标记为“遗传亲和力丧失”(ACB诉汤姆森医疗私人有限公司及其他[2017]SGCA20)。本文将认为,所讨论的损害是遗传连接的丧失(错误的遗传连接),并且是由于侵犯了生殖权利(最终也是建立家庭的权利),因为生殖权利的一个关键要素是生孩子,我们与他们保持遗传联系并抚养他们。本文将解释为什么传统上反对这种赔偿的论点是没有根据的,并且将主张赔偿包括世袭和非世袭损害赔偿。
    The use of reproductive techniques and the eventual reproductive negligence from the provider of reproductive services gave rise to situations in which the intended parents are deprived of raising a child genetically connected to them. Courts have been dealing with cases of those for years, but have systemically denied claimants (the prospective parents) compensation, failing to recognise as damage the loss of genetic connection. In 2017, for the first time, the Singapore High Court provided compensation for that damage, labelled \"loss of genetic affinity\" (ACB v Thomson Medical Pte Ltd and Others [2017] SGCA 20). This paper will argue that the damage in question is the loss of genetic connection (wrongful genetic connection) and results from a violation of reproductive rights (and eventually also the right to found a family) because a key element of reproductive rights is to have children with whom we keep a genetic bond and raise them. The paper will explain why the arguments classically argued against such compensation are unfounded and it will argue for a compensation covering both patrimonial and non-patrimonial damages.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    目的:描述高龄产妇(AMA)的流行病学特征,并研究AMA对中国孕妇剖宫产(CS)风险的影响。
    方法:这项回顾性单中心队列研究调查了2005年1月至2016年12月在中国修订的生育政策下,43702例单胎分娩的AMA产妇的流行病学特征变化。我们还通过多因素分析评估了不同年龄段的妊娠结局和CS的危险因素。
    结果:在这12年的研究期间,孕产妇平均年龄从28.5岁增加到30.2岁,AMA的比例从6.5%提高到17.2%。AMA与不良妊娠结局的风险增加显着相关,在对混杂因素进行调整后,AMA仍然是CS的重要独立危险因素。此外,AMA在未产妇女中对CS风险的影响比在经产妇女中更显著,而既往CS史(调整后比值比39.85)和分娩间期≥10年(调整后比值比1.52)也会增加经产妇女CS的风险.
    结论:AMA增加了一些不良妊娠结局的风险,并且与CS风险增加独立相关。有危险因素的AMA产妇越来越多,在不久的将来,因此,作为一个政策问题,降低主要CS的费率是当务之急。
    OBJECTIVE: To describe changed epidemiological features of advanced maternal age (AMA) and to examine the effect of AMA on the risk for Cesarean section (CS) in a Chinese pregnant population.
    METHODS: This retrospective single-center cohort study investigated the changes of epidemiological features of AMA parturients with respect to the revised reproductive policy in China in 43 702 singleton deliveries with live birth at ≥28 weeks managed from January 2005 to December 2016. We also evaluated the pregnancy outcomes in different age groups and risk factors of CS with multivariate analysis.
    RESULTS: In this 12-year study period, the average maternal age increased from 28.5 to 30.2 years, and the proportion of AMA raised from 6.5% to 17.2%. AMA was significantly associated with increased risk of adverse pregnancy outcomes, and after adjustment for confounding factors, AMA remained a significant independent risk factor for CS. Furthermore, the effect of AMA in nulliparous women on the risk of CS was more significant than in multiparous women, while the history of previous CS (adjusted odds ratio 39.85) and interdelivery interval ≥10 years (adjusted odds ratio 1.52) also increased the risk of CS in multiparous women.
    CONCLUSIONS: AMA increased the risk of a number of adverse pregnancy outcomes, and was independently associated with increased risk for CS. The increasing number of AMA parturients with risk factors is likely to increase CS rate in China in the near future, thus it is imperative to reduce the rate of primary CS as a matter of policy.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    BACKGROUND: The uptake of findings from sexual and reproductive health and rights research into policy-making remains a complex and non-linear process. Different models of research utilisation and guidelines to maximise this in policy-making exist, however, challenges still remain for researchers to improve uptake of their research findings and for policy-makers to use research evidence in their work.
    METHODS: A participatory workshop with researchers was organised in November 2017 by the Academic Network for Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights Policy (ANSER) to address this gap. ANSER is a consortium of experienced researchers, some of whom have policy-making experience, working on sexual and reproductive health and rights issues across 16 countries and 5 continents. The experiential learning cycle was used to guide the workshop discussions based on case studies and to encourage participants to focus on key lessons learned. Workshop findings were thematically analysed using specific stages from Hanney et al.\'s (Health Res Policy Syst 1:2, 2003) framework on the place of policy-making in the stages of assessment of research utilisation and outcomes.
    RESULTS: The workshop identified key strategies for translating research into policy, including joint agenda-setting between researchers and policy-makers, as well as building trust and partnerships with different stakeholders. These were linked to stages within Hanney et al.\'s framework as opportunities for engaging with policy-makers to ensure uptake of research findings.
    CONCLUSIONS: The engagement of stakeholders during the research development and implementation phases, especially at strategic moments, has a positive impact on uptake of research findings. The strategies and stages described in this paper can be applied to improve utilisation of research findings into policy development and implementation globally.
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