患有误音的人,一种涉及极端声音敏感性的疾病,报告严重的愤怒,厌恶,以及对选择但通常常见的声音的焦虑。虽然某些人群如大学生的患病率估计接近20%,目前尚不清楚有多少人对这种“触发”声音有不和谐的反应。此外,对所涉及的基本过程知之甚少。在这项研究中,我们的目的是描述一般人群中混音症状的分布,以及澄清对触发声音的厌恶情绪反应是否部分是由声音本身的声学显著性引起的,或通过识别声音。使用多说话者胡言乱语作为掩蔽噪声来降低参与者识别声音的能力,我们在参与一项在线研究的300名成年人中评估了常见触发声音的识别与主观情绪反应的关系.参与者被要求倾听并识别中立,不愉快的和触发的声音嵌入在不同级别的掩蔽噪声(信噪比:-30,-20,-10,0,+10dB),然后评估他们对声音的主观判断(愉悦)和对他们的情绪反应(焦虑,愤怒,和厌恶)。使用参与者的分数在量化错音敏感度的量表上,我们从分布中选择了顶部和底部的20%得分手,以形成一个最大音效亚组(N=66)和最小音效亚组(N=68)。两组在识别触发因素方面都比不愉快的声音更好,它们本身被识别得比中性声音更好。两组还认识到令人不快和触发声音的厌恶性,然而对于最不发音的人来说,一旦声音变得可识别,负面情绪的主观评分就会增加,尤其是触发声音。这些结果突出了触发声音的显著性,但进一步表明,学习和声音的高阶评估在音差中起着重要作用。
Individuals with misophonia, a disorder involving extreme sound sensitivity, report significant anger, disgust, and anxiety in response to select but usually common sounds. While estimates of prevalence within certain populations such as college students have approached 20%, it is currently unknown what percentage of people experience misophonic responses to such \"trigger\" sounds. Furthermore, there is little understanding of the fundamental processes involved. In this study, we aimed to characterize the distribution of misophonic symptoms in a general population, as well as clarify whether the aversive emotional responses to trigger sounds are partly caused by acoustic salience of the sound itself, or by recognition of the sound. Using multi-talker babble as masking noise to decrease participants\' ability to identify sounds, we assessed how identification of common trigger sounds related to subjective emotional responses in 300 adults who participated in an online study. Participants were asked to listen to and identify neutral, unpleasant and trigger sounds embedded in different levels of the masking noise (signal-to-noise ratios: -30, -20, -10, 0, +10 dB), and then to evaluate their subjective judgment of the sounds (pleasantness) and emotional reactions to them (anxiety, anger, and disgust). Using participants\' scores on a scale quantifying misophonia sensitivity, we selected the top and bottom 20% scorers from the distribution to form a Most-Misophonic subgroup (N = 66) and Least-Misophonic subgroup (N = 68). Both groups were better at identifying triggers than unpleasant sounds, which themselves were identified better than neutral sounds. Both groups also recognized the aversiveness of the unpleasant and trigger sounds, yet for the Most-Misophonic group, there was a greater increase in subjective ratings of negative emotions once the sounds became identifiable, especially for trigger sounds. These results highlight the heightened salience of trigger sounds, but furthermore suggest that learning and higher-order evaluation of sounds play an important role in misophonia.