This article analyses what the disavowal of abject forms of white supremacy reveals about the racial logic of the global preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) agenda. We argue that the global P/CVE agenda is built on racialised concepts such as prevention, radicalisation and community - concepts that render it incommensurate with the newly identified problem of white supremacist violent extremism or domestic terrorism. Through analysis of interviews with experts and practitioners working within the broad field of P/CVE, we discursively analyse how the enmeshment of the agenda within the development and peacebuilding space exposes the agenda\'s primary intent to manage presumably ungovernable populations in or from the so-called Global South. Taking the theoretical insights culled from textual analysis of practitioner interviews, we then consider the inclusion of right-wing extremism, and specifically white supremacy, within Western states\' domestic P/CVE agendas, primarily in the US. Our argument - that the move to consider far-right extremism within domestic CVE policy reveals rather than disrupts the P/CVE agenda\'s racist foundations and intentions - contributes to a growing body of research that insists on attending to race, racialisation and racism within security studies and international relations, and which includes an emphasis on whiteness as an organising principle.

Nursing is renowned for its high ethical standards and is considered one of the most trusted professions globally, yet it has deep historical ties to Eurocentric and white supremacist ideologies. These entrenched ideologies in nursing raise significant concerns regarding equity, diversity, and inclusion within the profession as they shape nursing education, research, and practice. Western nursing institutions are deeply engrained in a system designed to center and uphold whiteness, which frequently serves to safeguard dominant groups in power while detrimentally affecting faculty from underrepresented backgrounds. Consequently, faculty members from underrepresented groups depart academia due to systemic racism and inadequate institutional accountability and support. To decenter whiteness in nursing, we have shared our experiences to underscore how systems of oppression marginalize underrepresented faculty in nursing academia.

Race is a pseudo-scientific system that was invented to sort people by skin color into different categories. Race has no biologic basis, meaning the phenotype of skin color cannot accurately separate humans into distinct categories. Contemporary Western veterinary medicine was founded by white European men to treat livestock and working horses; 150+ years later, the majority of veterinary graduates are white women working on domesticated family pets. The history of veterinary medicine informs our current reality.

OBJECTIVE: Family planning researchers have not critically engaged with topics of race, racism, and associated concepts like ethnicity. This lack of engagement contributes to the reproduction of research that reifies racial hierarchies rather than illuminate and interrupt the processes by which racism affects health. This Research Practice Support paper lays out considerations and best practices for addressing race and racism in quantitative family planning research.
METHODS: We are scholars with racialized identities and expertise in racial health equity in family planning research. We draw from scholarship and guidance across disciplines to examine common shortcomings in the use and analysis of race and racism and propose practices for rigorous use of these concepts in quantitative family planning research.
RESULTS: We recommend articulating the role of race and racism in the development of the research question, authorship and positionality, study design, data collection, analytic approach, and interpretation of analyses. Definitions of relevant concepts and additional resources are provided.
CONCLUSIONS: Family planning and racism are inextricably linked. Failing to name and analyze the pathways through which structural racism affects family planning, and the people who need or want to plan if, when, or how to become pregnant or parent may reproduce harmful and incorrect beliefs about the causes of health inequities and the attributes of Black, Indigenous, and other people racialized as non-White. Family planning researchers should critically study racism and race with procedures grounded in appropriate and articulated theory, evidence, and analytic approaches.
CONCLUSIONS: Family planning research can better contribute to efforts to eliminate racialized health inequities and avoid perpetuating harmful beliefs and conceptualizations of race by ensuring that they study race and racism with procedures grounded in appropriate and articulated theory, evidence, and analytic approaches.

This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians\' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians\' positionality into sharp relief.

White supremacy and racial inequities have long pervaded psychological research, including body image scholarship and practice. The experiences of white, heterosexual, able-bodied, cisgender (predominantly college) women from wealthy, Westernized nations have been centered throughout body image research and practice, thereby perpetuating myths of invulnerability among racialized groups and casting white ideals and experiences as the standard by which marginalized bodies are compared. Body image is shaped by multiple axes of oppression that exist within systemic and structural systems, ultimately privileging certain bodies above others. In this position paper, we highlight how white supremacy has shaped body image research and practice. In doing so, we first review the history of body image research and explain how participant sampling, measurement, interpretive frameworks, and dissemination of research have upheld and reinforced white supremacy. Next, grounded in inclusivity and intersectionality, we advance the Sociostructural-Intersectional Body Image (SIBI) framework to more fully understand the body image experiences of those with racialized and minoritized bodies, while challenging and seeking to upend white supremacy in body image research and practice. We encourage other scholars to utilize the SIBI framework to better understand body inequities and the body image experiences of all people, in all bodies.

Drawing upon in-depth life-history interviews with 91 North American-based former white supremacists, we examine how participants perceive homicidal violence as either an appropriate or inappropriate political strategy. Based on the current findings, participants considered homicidal violence as largely inappropriate due to moral concerns and its politically ineffective nature but also discussed how homicidal violence could be an appropriate defensive measure in RAHOWA (Racial Holy War) or through divine mandate. Capturing how white supremacists frame the permissibility of homicidal violence is a step toward better understanding the \"upper limit\" or thresholds for violence among members who are trying to construct and negotiate a collective identity that involves violent and aggressive worldviews.

Frantz Fanon\'s reception within psychoanalysis has been hindered by an interpretive \"snag\" that vexes discussions of his work and relevance. This \"snag\" misleadingly situates Fanon\'s clinical approach as necessarily outside, or antithetical to, treatment as conceived and practiced in the Freudian tradition. As a result, analytic educators, students, and therapists are prone to position Fanon on one side of a conceptual boundary and \"analytic neutrality\" on the other. This reading is not only misguided but detrimental to the healing potential and continued development of psychoanalysis. A closer look at one of Fanon\'s oft-repeated rallying cries, in which its context is examined and its intent unpacked, allows for a disambiguating of \"analytic neutrality\" and affords a number of takeaways that can help readers recognize the stakes of Fanon\'s contributions to psychoanalysis and appreciate their pertinence for dyadic clinical treatment. A major implication is the importance for psychoanalysis, in both pedagogy and clinical practice, to take coloniality (the continued legacies of colonial domination, including especially white supremacy) far more seriously.

Understanding the legacy of slavery in the United States is crucial for engaging in anti-racism that challenges racial health inequities\' root causes. However, few medical educational curricula exist to guide this process. We created a workshop illustrating key historical themes pertaining to this legacy and grounded in critical race theory.
During a preclinical psychiatry block, a second-year medical school class, divided into three groups of 50-60, attended the workshop, which comprised a 90-minute lecture, 30-minute break, and 60-minute small-group debriefing. Afterwards, participants completed an evaluation assessing self-reported knowledge, attitudes and beliefs, and satisfaction with the workshop.
One hundred eighty students watched the lecture, 15 attended small-group debriefings, and 132 completed the survey. Seventy-six percent (100) reported receiving no, very little, or some prior exposure to the legacy of slavery in American medicine and psychiatry. Over 80% agreed or strongly agreed that the workshop made them more aware of this legacy and that the artwork, photographs, storytelling, and media (videos) facilitated learning. Qualitative feedback highlighted how the workshop improved students\' knowledge about the legacy of slavery\'s presence in medicine and psychiatry. However, students criticized the lecture\'s scripted approach and requested more discussion, dialogue, interaction, and connection of this history to anti-racist action they could engage in now.
Though this workshop improved awareness of the legacy of slavery, students criticized its structure and approach. When teaching this legacy, medical schools should consider expanding content, ensuring opportunities for discussion in safe spaces, and connecting it to immediate anti-racist action.

In this study, we investigated differences in teachers\' perceptions of the teacher-child relationship from kindergarten through second grade as a function of child race and gender from the perspective of critical race theory and the cultural synchrony hypothesis. Given the extensive evidence of White privilege and anti-Black racism in the US education system, we expected that teachers, particularly White teachers, would perceive their relationships with White children more positively than with Black children. Controlling for family SES and child gender, results supported this hypothesis. Black boys had the highest risk of being perceived by teachers as having poor relationships with teachers in kindergarten (highest conflict and lowest closeness) and White girls had the lowest risk. In addition, teachers perceived relationships with Black boys as increasing in conflict across first and second grades at higher rates than with White and female children. These findings remained after examining teacher-child racial match as a moderator. Our results indicate that racism and sexism work together to explain the perceptions teachers have of children in the early elementary grades. Implications for training teachers and school psychologists on anti-racism and cultural competency are discussed.