Many Black educators in the United States demonstrate a political clarity about white supremacy and the racialized harm it cultivates in and out of schools. We highlight the perspectives of some of these educators and ask, (1) How do they articulate the need to protect Black children? and (2) What mechanisms of protection do they enact in their classrooms and schools? Through further elaborating the politicized caring framework, our analyses show how Black educators disrupt the racialized harm produced within schools to instead (re)position Black students as children worthy of protection via caring relationships, alternative discipline policies, and other interpersonal and institutional mechanisms. This study has implications for teaching, teacher education, and how the \"work\" of teachers is conceptualized and researched.

BACKGROUND: Surveys have found concerningly high levels of agreement that the United States will experience civil war soon. This study assesses variation in expectation of and perceived need for civil war with respondent sociopolitical characteristics, beliefs, firearm ownership, and willingness to engage in political violence.
METHODS: Findings are from Wave 2 of a nationally representative annual longitudinal survey of members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, conducted May 18-June 8, 2023. All respondents to 2022\'s Wave 1 who remained in KnowledgePanel were invited to participate. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions and adjusted prevalence differences, with p-values adjusted for the false discovery rate and reported as q-values.
RESULTS: The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. After weighting, half the sample was female (50.7%, 95% CI 49.4%, 52.1%); the weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.5 (25.9) years. Approximately 1 respondent in 20 (5.7%, 95% CI 5.1%, 6.4%) agreed strongly or very strongly that \"in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States.\" About 1 in 25 (3.8%, 95% CI 3.2%, 4.4%), and nearly 40% (38.4%, 95% CI 32.3%, 44.5%) of those who strongly or very strongly agreed that civil war was coming, also agreed strongly or very strongly that \"the United States needs a civil war to set things right.\" Expectation of and perceived need for civil war were higher among subsets of respondents who in Wave 1 were more willing than others to commit political violence, including MAGA Republicans, persons in strong agreement with racist beliefs or statements of the potential need for violence to effect social change, persons who strongly approved of specified extreme right-wing political organizations and movements, firearm owners who purchased firearms in 2020 or later, and firearm owners who carried firearms in public all or nearly all the time.
CONCLUSIONS: In 2023, the expectation that civil war was likely and the belief that it was needed were uncommon but were higher among subsets of the population that had previously been associated with greater willingness to commit political violence. These findings can help guide prevention efforts.

This article analyses what the disavowal of abject forms of white supremacy reveals about the racial logic of the global preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) agenda. We argue that the global P/CVE agenda is built on racialised concepts such as prevention, radicalisation and community - concepts that render it incommensurate with the newly identified problem of white supremacist violent extremism or domestic terrorism. Through analysis of interviews with experts and practitioners working within the broad field of P/CVE, we discursively analyse how the enmeshment of the agenda within the development and peacebuilding space exposes the agenda\'s primary intent to manage presumably ungovernable populations in or from the so-called Global South. Taking the theoretical insights culled from textual analysis of practitioner interviews, we then consider the inclusion of right-wing extremism, and specifically white supremacy, within Western states\' domestic P/CVE agendas, primarily in the US. Our argument - that the move to consider far-right extremism within domestic CVE policy reveals rather than disrupts the P/CVE agenda\'s racist foundations and intentions - contributes to a growing body of research that insists on attending to race, racialisation and racism within security studies and international relations, and which includes an emphasis on whiteness as an organising principle.

This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians\' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians\' positionality into sharp relief.

Drawing upon in-depth life-history interviews with 91 North American-based former white supremacists, we examine how participants perceive homicidal violence as either an appropriate or inappropriate political strategy. Based on the current findings, participants considered homicidal violence as largely inappropriate due to moral concerns and its politically ineffective nature but also discussed how homicidal violence could be an appropriate defensive measure in RAHOWA (Racial Holy War) or through divine mandate. Capturing how white supremacists frame the permissibility of homicidal violence is a step toward better understanding the \"upper limit\" or thresholds for violence among members who are trying to construct and negotiate a collective identity that involves violent and aggressive worldviews.

Understanding the legacy of slavery in the United States is crucial for engaging in anti-racism that challenges racial health inequities\' root causes. However, few medical educational curricula exist to guide this process. We created a workshop illustrating key historical themes pertaining to this legacy and grounded in critical race theory.
During a preclinical psychiatry block, a second-year medical school class, divided into three groups of 50-60, attended the workshop, which comprised a 90-minute lecture, 30-minute break, and 60-minute small-group debriefing. Afterwards, participants completed an evaluation assessing self-reported knowledge, attitudes and beliefs, and satisfaction with the workshop.
One hundred eighty students watched the lecture, 15 attended small-group debriefings, and 132 completed the survey. Seventy-six percent (100) reported receiving no, very little, or some prior exposure to the legacy of slavery in American medicine and psychiatry. Over 80% agreed or strongly agreed that the workshop made them more aware of this legacy and that the artwork, photographs, storytelling, and media (videos) facilitated learning. Qualitative feedback highlighted how the workshop improved students\' knowledge about the legacy of slavery\'s presence in medicine and psychiatry. However, students criticized the lecture\'s scripted approach and requested more discussion, dialogue, interaction, and connection of this history to anti-racist action they could engage in now.
Though this workshop improved awareness of the legacy of slavery, students criticized its structure and approach. When teaching this legacy, medical schools should consider expanding content, ensuring opportunities for discussion in safe spaces, and connecting it to immediate anti-racist action.

Race science attributes differences in human populations to biology and genetics that reflect a hierarchy of human races with whiteness at its pinnacle. This article examining the history of race science and current family scholarship and practice contends that race science matters for family science. We discuss 1) white supremacy, the development of race science, and the eugenics movement in the U.S.; 2) racism, racialized experiences, and oppression of Black families in the U.S.; 3) the construction of whiteness in family science and re-envisioning theories to make racism\'s impact visible; 4) racial reckonings for professional organizations; and 5) why race science matters for family science and a call to action. Clarity about the meaning of race can ensure that family science addresses white supremacy and racism embedded in scholarship, training, and practice, and promotes work that supports the well-being of families that are most vulnerable and marginalized.

Antisemitism is a global phenomenon on the rise that is negatively affecting Jews and communities more broadly. It has been argued that social media has opened up new opportunities for antisemites to disseminate material and organize. It is, therefore, necessary to get a picture of the scope and nature of antisemitism on social media. However, identifying antisemitic messages in large datasets is not trivial and more work is needed in this area. In this paper, we present and describe an annotated dataset that can be used to train tweet classifiers. We first explain how we created our dataset and approached identifying antisemitic content by experts. We then describe the annotated data, where 11% of conversations about Jews (January 2019-August 2020) and 13% of conversations about Israel (January-August 2020) were labeled antisemitic. Another important finding concerns lexical differences across queries and labels. We find that antisemitic content often relates to conspiracies of Jewish global dominance, the Middle East conflict, and the Holocaust.

As developmental scholars increasingly study ethnic and racial identity among white youth, careful reflection is needed regarding its framing, implementation, and interpretation. In this three-part conceptual paper, we offer a foundation for such reflection. First, we discuss the sociocultural context of white supremacy that shapes U.S. society, psychology, and adolescent development, and situate the study of ethnic and racial identity among white youth within this context. Second, we consider Janet Helms\'s White Racial Identity Development model, reviewing theory and research building on her argument that race-and whiteness, specifically-must be centered to achieve racial justice-oriented scholarship on white identity. We conclude by offering four guiding insights for conducting critical research on racial identity development among white youth.

The present work interrogates the history of Confederate memorializations by examining the relationship between these memorializations and lynching, an explicitly racist act of violence. We obtained and merged data on Confederate memorializations at the county level and lynching victims, also at the county level. We find that the number of lynching victims in a county is a positive and significant predictor of the number of Confederate memorializations in that county, even after controlling for relevant covariates. This finding provides concrete, quantitative, and historically and geographically situated evidence consistent with the position that Confederate memorializations reflect a racist history, one marred by intentions to terrorize and intimidate Black Americans in response to Black progress.