Society\'s problems cannot be alleviated via mere policy interventions, whether individual- or system-level, when the system is the problem. To bring about true and lasting change to the better, we must replace the present global political-economic system - oligarchic capitalism backed by the power of the state - with one that would let the people take charge of their lives.

OBJECTIVE: Since the reunification of Germany, a debate on the professional activities of GDR psychotherapists has rised up. This debate is partly conducted by the spirit of coming to terms with the past and partly by legitimizing therapeutic activities in the GDR. The aim of this work is to show in individual patterns the professional self-image of selected GDR psychotherapists. The study focused from a sociological perspective with the intention of differentiating this topic. In course of this, the range of political positioning of GDR psychotherapists will also be determined on a case-by-case basis and it will be shown how this was shaped in the often named \"niche of psychotherapy\".
METHODS: Based on-biographical interviews, educational biographical trajectories of GDR psychotherapists were reconstructed. The interviews were analyzed using grounded theory in a circular process of material selection and theory development. According to the principle of maximum contrast (theoretical sampling), four women were selected for reconstruction from a sample of 39 interviews from the joint project Seelenarbeit im Sozialismus (Soul Work in Socialism) and analyzed using Teifel\'s (2005) coding guide based on educational theory.
RESULTS: Within the four cases, extremely individual educational biographies emerge on the levels of the coding strategy (meaning/structure perspective and mode of action), each showing different characteristics with regard to their ability to adopt a reflexive stance and the adoption of professional agency. The cases also show different characteristics with regard to their different positions on the system of GDR.
CONCLUSIONS: The results of the case reconstructions can be summarized in an overarching scheme. This shows that the role of each individual\'s educational access, their educational paths and their individual practice of action must be seen in relation to the influence of the political system and the ability to adopt a professional attitude. The psychotherapists of the GDR cannot be understood per se as a group acting subversively against the state.
UNASSIGNED: Seit der Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands lässt sich eine bis heute währende Debatte zum professionellen Handeln von DDR-Psychotherapeut:innen verfolgen. Diese wird zum Teil im Tenor der Aufarbeitung, zum Teil zur Legitimierung des therapeutischen Handelns in der DDR geführt. In dieser Arbeit sollen aus soziologischer Perspektive individuelle Muster im professionellen Selbstverständnis ausgewählter DDR-Psychotherapeut:innen mit der Absicht der Differenzierung dieser Thematik herausgearbeitet werden. In diesem Zuge wird auch die Spannbreite der politischen Positionierung von DDR-Psychotherapeuten fallspezifisch konstatiert und gezeigt, wie sich diese in der oft benannten Nische der Psychotherapie gestaltete.
METHODS: Auf der Grundlage narrativ-biografischer Interviews wurden bildungsbiografische Verläufe von DDR-Psychotherapeut:innen rekonstruiert Die Interviews wurden anhand der Grounded Theory in einem zirkulären Prozess von Materialauswahl und Theorieentwicklung analysiert. Nach dem Prinzip der maximalen Kontrastierung (theoretical sampling) wurden vier Frauen aus einer Stichprobe von 39 Interviews des Verbundprojekts Seelenarbeit im Sozialismus zur Rekonstruktion ausgesucht und anhand des bildungstheoretisch ausgerichteten Kodierleitfadens nach Teifel (2005) analysiert.
UNASSIGNED: Es zeigen sich innerhalb der vier Fälle auf den Ebenen der Kodierungsstrategie (Sinn-/Strukturperspektive und Handlungsweise) überaus individuelle Bildungsbiografien, die jeweils unterschiedliche Ausprägungen bzgl. ihrer Fähigkeit zur Einnahme einer reflexiven Haltung und somit der Einnahme der professionellen Handlungsfähigkeit aufweisen. Auch hinsichtlich ihrer unterschiedlichen Positionierungen zum DDR-System weisen die Fälle unterschiedliche Ausprägungen auf.
CONCLUSIONS: Die Ergebnisse der Fallrekonstruktionen lassen sich in einem übergeordneten Schema zusammenfassen. Dieses zeigt, dass die Rolle der jeweiligen individuellen Bildungszugänge, ihrer Bildungswege und ihrer individuellen Handlungspraxis in Relation zum Einfluss des politischen Systems und der Fähigkeit zur Übernahme einer professionellen Haltung zu sehen sind. Die Psychotherapeut:innen der DDR lassen sich nicht per se als eine subversiv gegen den Staat agierende Gruppe auffassen.

This paper offers a novel interpretation of the 1890 British Ultimatum, by bringing to the front of the stage its techno-diplomatic dimension, often invisible in the canonical diplomatic and military narratives. Furthermore, we use an unconventional historical source to grasp the British-Portuguese imperial conflict over the African hinterland via the building of railways: the cartoons of the politically committed and polyvalent Portuguese artist and journalist Rafael Bordalo Pinheiro (1846-1905), published in his journal Ponto nos iis, from the end of 1889 and throughout 1890. We argue that the Ponto nos iis cartoons played a so far overlooked role in the unfolding of British-Portuguese affairs, as they shaped at a distance a diplomatic exchange with the British satirical journal Punch. Attacking and counterattacking his fellow cartoonists in Britain, Pinheiro surged into the role of informal diplomat. This cartoon visual and public diplomacy unfolded in the pages of both journals and was tied to the two countries\' colonial conquests in Africa, where the Portuguese and British empires were competing to dominate the African hinterland through large technological systems. Hence the cartoons made visible to wider audiences the otherwise hidden role that technologies played in the two countries\' affairs. In turn, the cartoons aimed at persuading the Portuguese public and ruling classes alike that only regime change, from monarchic to republican, would restore the wounded Portuguese national pride.

Energy poverty and climate change are major concerns for the emerging seven countries. Therefore, this study explores the economic growth impact on reducing energy poverty and ecological footprint in the emerging seven economies from 2000 to 2019. Energy poverty is measured using three disciplines: availability poverty, accessibility poverty, and affordability poverty. We applied a new dynamic method, \"bias-corrected method of moments estimators (2021),\" for long-run outcomes. This study used the environmental Kuznets curve-approach to measure economic growth\'s scale effect and technique effect to reduce energy poverty and ecological footprint. Importantly, the study explores the mediating role of politically stable institutions in mitigating environmental and energy poverty. Our findings validate that energy poverty and ecological footprint could not reduce at the initial stage of economic growth. However, the later development stage shows a positive effect on reducing energy poverty and ecological footprint. These results validated an inverted U-shaped Kuznets curve hypothesis for emerging seven. Further, the result found that strong political systems are more quick-witted and have the legislative power to swiftly implement beneficial policies to pull out of the vicious circle of energy poverty. Further, environmental technology significantly reduced energy poverty and ecological footprint. The causality analysis entails that a bidirectional exists between energy poverty, income, and ecological footprint.

How does a regime change influence elite mobility? By collecting data on elites after the Meiji Restoration in Japan in 1868, through which Japan transitioned from a feudal regime to a modern regime, we provide new evidence that the impact of the regime change on elite mobility varies across the stages of the regime change. We analyze the impact of the regime change from two aspects: (1) the composition of elites or elite membership and (2) the internal hierarchy within them. The regime change opened an opportunity for commoners to join the elite group. After the Meiji Restoration, the share of elites whose fathers were commoners in the former regime increased, as did the influence of meritocracy on elite ranks. However, once the new regime was established, the elite hierarchy started to reflect the social stratum of the former regime and the influence of meritocracy declined.

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After the general societal and political change in November 1989 in Czechoslovakia, the subject \"History of Psychology\" became the stable component of curriculum of studying psychology at the Department of Psychology of Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague. The author of this paper has taught \"History of Psychology\" in Czech since 1998 for more than 20 years all students of psychology and he is teaching this subject the students of ERASMUS+ program from whole Europe, studying at Charles University in Prague, now. Indivisible part of the curriculum is represented by the history of Czechoslovak and Czech psychology. In References, the most important publications in the field of history of Czechoslovak and Czech psychology are presented.

People desire agentic representations of their personal and collective selves, such as their own nation. When national agency is put into question, this should increase their inclination to restore it, particularly when they simultaneously lack perceptions of personal control. In this article, we test this hypothesis of group-based control in the context of political elections occurring during socio-economic crises. We propose that people who are reminded of low (vs. high) personal control will have an increased tendency to reject traditional political parties that stand for the maintenance of a non-agentic political system. We experimentally manipulated the salience of low vs. high personal control in five studies and measured participants\' intentions to support traditional and new political parties. Across four of five studies, in line with the predictions, low personal control reduced support for the main traditional conservative party (e.g., Partido Popular (PP) in Spain, the Republicans in France). These results appeared in contexts of national economic and/or political crisis, and were most pronounced when low (vs. high) national agency was made salient in Studies 4 and 5. The findings support the notion that rejecting the stability of the national political system can serve as a means to maintain a sense of control through the collective self.

Literature on social networks and elections has focused on predicting electoral outcomes rather than on understanding how the discussions between users evolve over time. As a result, most studies focus on a single election and few comparative studies exist. In this article, a framework to analyze Twitter conversations about the election candidates is proposed. Using DeGroot\'s consensus model (an assumption that all users are attempting to persuade others to talk about a candidate), this framework is useful to identify the structure and strength of connections of the mention networks on the months before an election day. It also helps to make comparisons between elections and identify patterns in different contexts. In concrete, it was found that elections in which the incumbent was running have slower convergence (more closed communities with fewer links between them) and that there is no difference between parliamentary and presidential elections. Therefore, there is evidence that the political system and the role of the incumbent in the election influences the way conversations on Twitter occur.

Energy security, job development, and minimal environmental damage are just a few of the reasons why green energy technologies have gained popularity. Still, developing these technologies in underdeveloped countries is sluggish due to several bottlenecks. To find and prioritize the bottlenecks to development of green energy technologies (GETs), this study has used the case of South Africa. In this study, technical, financial, social, regulatory, geographical, and institutional bottlenecks are six headings under which 22 bottlenecks are further subdivided. For prioritizing these bottlenecks, a Multi-Objective Optimization based on Ratio Analysis (MOORA) strategy combined with an Evaluation based on Distance from Average Solution (EDAS) method was used. The top three bottlenecks impacting the GETs\' development involved social, institutional, and regulatory, whereas in sub-headings, corrupt political systems, knowledge of the public, and fixed investments were revealed to be the most significant hurdles. In addition to that, a framework is also developed for assessing how each bottleneck hinders the development of green energy technologies. The results of this study recommend that formulation of policy using the bottom-up approach is important. Notably, politicians at the highest levels should work together to bolster government agencies so that they can monitor and carry out the policies designed to advance GETs. Building the institutional capacity of government offices is crucial for eliminating corruption in political offices and progressing GETs in South Africa.