The division of the races, created for the economic and political purposes of justifying slavery and colonialism, is a deep, entrenched, social structure which creates and promotes white privilege and is one within which we all live. No one can be free from it. This presentation is rooted in the assumption that the problem of racism today is a problem of whiteness and that it is an examination of this construct, therefore, which needs to be central to seeking a solution to this destructive dynamic. The work required of whiteness and the letting go of privilege is essential if we are to dismantle the system of racism that is so embedded within our society. I argue this is no altruistic endeavour but that, whilst clearly doing untold harm to people of colour, such a system also limits and distorts the development and individuation of white individuals and the society in which we are citizens.
La division des races, qui a été créée dans le but économique et politique de justifier l\'esclavage et le colonialisme, est une structure sociale profonde et bien enracinée qui crée et promeut le privilège blanc. C’est une structure dans laquelle nous vivons tous. Personne ne peut s\'en libérer. Cette présentation est fondée sur l\'hypothèse que le problème du racisme aujourd\'hui est un problème de blanchité, et que c\'est donc un examen de cette construction qui doit être central dans la recherche d\'une solution à cette dynamique destructrice. Le travail qui est requis des personnes blanches et l\'abandon des privilèges sont essentiels si nous voulons démanteler le système de racisme qui est si ancré dans notre société. Je soutiens qu\'il ne s\'agit pas d\'une entreprise altruiste, mais que, tout en causant clairement un tort indicible aux personnes de couleur, un tel système limite et déforme également le développement et l\'individuation des personnes blanches et de la société dans laquelle nous sommes citoyens.
Die Rassentrennung, die aus wirtschaftlichen und politischen Gründen geschaffen wurde, um Sklaverei und Kolonialismus zu rechtfertigen, ist eine tief verwurzelte soziale Struktur, die weiße Privilegien schafft und fördert und in der wir alle leben. Niemand ist davon frei. Diese Präsentation basiert auf der Annahme, daß das Problem des Rassismus heute ein Problem des Weißseins ist und daß daher die Untersuchung dieses Konstrukts im Mittelpunkt der Suche nach einer Lösung für diese destruktive Dynamik stehen muß. Die Arbeit, die in puncto Weißsein und das Aufgeben von Privilegien erforderlich ist, ist unerläßlich, wenn wir das System des Rassismus, das so tief in unserer Gesellschaft verankert ist, demontieren wollen. Ich behaupte, daß dies kein altruistisches Unterfangen ist, sondern daß ein solches System, obwohl es eindeutig Menschen mit dunkler Hautfarbe unsäglichen Schaden zufügt, auch die Entwicklung und Individualisierung weißer Menschen und der Gesellschaft, deren Bürger wir sind, einschränkt und verzerrt.
La divisione delle razze, creata per gli scopi economici e politici di giustificare la schiavitù ed il colonialismo, è una struttura sociale profonda e radicata che crea e promuove il privilegio bianco, ed in cui tutti viviamo. Nessuno può esserne libero. Questa presentazione è radicata nel presupposto che il problema del razzismo oggi sia un problema di bianchezza e che sia perciò un esame di questo costrutto che deve essere centrale per cercare una soluzione a questa dinamica distruttiva. Il lavoro richiesto sulla bianchezza e per abbandonare il privilegio è essenziale se vogliamo smantellare il sistema di razzismo che è così radicato nella nostra società. Sostengo che questo non sia uno sforzo altruistico ma che, mentre chiaramente arreca danni incalcolabili alle persone di colore, un tale sistema limita e distorce anche lo sviluppo e l’individuazione degli individui bianchi e la società di cui siamo cittadini.
Деление на расы, служащее экономическим и политическим целям оправдания рабства и колониализма, представляет собой глубоко укоренившуюся общественную установку, благодаря которой создаются и поощряются привилегии белых и в рамках которой мы все живем. Никто не может быть свободен от нее. Доклад основан на положении о том, что современная проблема расизма – это проблема «белизны», и изучение этого конструкта должно стать ключом для поиска решения этой деструктивной динамики. Если мы хотим избавиться от расизма, глубоко укоренившегося в нашем обществе, необходима работа «белизны» и отказа от привилегий. Я убеждена, что эта цель не является альтруистической: несмотря на то, что расизм, безусловно, приносит значительный ущерб представителям цветных рас, он также ограничивает и искажает развитие и индивидуацию белых людей и общества, гражданами которого мы являемся.
La división de las razas, creada con fines económicos y políticos para justificar la esclavitud y el colonialismo, es una estructura social profunda y arraigada que crea y promueve el privilegio blanco y es una en la cual todos vivimos. Nadie puede liberarse de ella. Esta presentación se basa en el supuesto de que el problema del racismo actual es un problema del ser‐blanco y que examinar esta construcción es, por lo tanto, fundamental para buscar una solución a esta dinámica destructiva. Para desmantelar el sistema de racismo, tan arraigado en nuestra sociedad, es esencial trabajar sobre el constructo ser‐blanco y desprenderse de los privilegios que conlleva. Sostengo, que no se trata de una tarea altruista, debido a que, además de causar un daño incalculable a las personas de color, este sistema también limita y distorsiona el desarrollo y la individuación de los individuos blancos y de la sociedad de la que somos ciudadanos.
人们创造出种族划分的概念是为了经济和政治的目的, 是为了给奴隶制和殖民主义辩护, 它是一种根深蒂固的社会结构, 创造并助长了白人特权, 我们所有人都生活在其中。没有人能够摆脱它。本报告基于这样一个假设, 即当今的种族主义问题是一个白人问题, 因此, 对这一结构进行研究是寻求解决这一破坏性动态的核心所在。如果我们要瓦解社会中根深蒂固的种族主义体系, 就必须努力消除白人身份, 放弃特权。我认为, 这不是利他主义的努力, 而是在对有色人种造成难以言表的伤害的同时, 这种制度也限制和扭曲了白人个人和我们所在社会的发展和个性化。.

Many Black educators in the United States demonstrate a political clarity about white supremacy and the racialized harm it cultivates in and out of schools. We highlight the perspectives of some of these educators and ask, (1) How do they articulate the need to protect Black children? and (2) What mechanisms of protection do they enact in their classrooms and schools? Through further elaborating the politicized caring framework, our analyses show how Black educators disrupt the racialized harm produced within schools to instead (re)position Black students as children worthy of protection via caring relationships, alternative discipline policies, and other interpersonal and institutional mechanisms. This study has implications for teaching, teacher education, and how the \"work\" of teachers is conceptualized and researched.

BACKGROUND: Surveys have found concerningly high levels of agreement that the United States will experience civil war soon. This study assesses variation in expectation of and perceived need for civil war with respondent sociopolitical characteristics, beliefs, firearm ownership, and willingness to engage in political violence.
METHODS: Findings are from Wave 2 of a nationally representative annual longitudinal survey of members of the Ipsos KnowledgePanel, conducted May 18-June 8, 2023. All respondents to 2022\'s Wave 1 who remained in KnowledgePanel were invited to participate. Outcomes are expressed as weighted proportions and adjusted prevalence differences, with p-values adjusted for the false discovery rate and reported as q-values.
RESULTS: The completion rate was 84.2%; there were 9385 respondents. After weighting, half the sample was female (50.7%, 95% CI 49.4%, 52.1%); the weighted mean (± standard deviation) age was 48.5 (25.9) years. Approximately 1 respondent in 20 (5.7%, 95% CI 5.1%, 6.4%) agreed strongly or very strongly that \"in the next few years, there will be civil war in the United States.\" About 1 in 25 (3.8%, 95% CI 3.2%, 4.4%), and nearly 40% (38.4%, 95% CI 32.3%, 44.5%) of those who strongly or very strongly agreed that civil war was coming, also agreed strongly or very strongly that \"the United States needs a civil war to set things right.\" Expectation of and perceived need for civil war were higher among subsets of respondents who in Wave 1 were more willing than others to commit political violence, including MAGA Republicans, persons in strong agreement with racist beliefs or statements of the potential need for violence to effect social change, persons who strongly approved of specified extreme right-wing political organizations and movements, firearm owners who purchased firearms in 2020 or later, and firearm owners who carried firearms in public all or nearly all the time.
CONCLUSIONS: In 2023, the expectation that civil war was likely and the belief that it was needed were uncommon but were higher among subsets of the population that had previously been associated with greater willingness to commit political violence. These findings can help guide prevention efforts.

This article analyses what the disavowal of abject forms of white supremacy reveals about the racial logic of the global preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) agenda. We argue that the global P/CVE agenda is built on racialised concepts such as prevention, radicalisation and community - concepts that render it incommensurate with the newly identified problem of white supremacist violent extremism or domestic terrorism. Through analysis of interviews with experts and practitioners working within the broad field of P/CVE, we discursively analyse how the enmeshment of the agenda within the development and peacebuilding space exposes the agenda\'s primary intent to manage presumably ungovernable populations in or from the so-called Global South. Taking the theoretical insights culled from textual analysis of practitioner interviews, we then consider the inclusion of right-wing extremism, and specifically white supremacy, within Western states\' domestic P/CVE agendas, primarily in the US. Our argument - that the move to consider far-right extremism within domestic CVE policy reveals rather than disrupts the P/CVE agenda\'s racist foundations and intentions - contributes to a growing body of research that insists on attending to race, racialisation and racism within security studies and international relations, and which includes an emphasis on whiteness as an organising principle.

Nursing is renowned for its high ethical standards and is considered one of the most trusted professions globally, yet it has deep historical ties to Eurocentric and white supremacist ideologies. These entrenched ideologies in nursing raise significant concerns regarding equity, diversity, and inclusion within the profession as they shape nursing education, research, and practice. Western nursing institutions are deeply engrained in a system designed to center and uphold whiteness, which frequently serves to safeguard dominant groups in power while detrimentally affecting faculty from underrepresented backgrounds. Consequently, faculty members from underrepresented groups depart academia due to systemic racism and inadequate institutional accountability and support. To decenter whiteness in nursing, we have shared our experiences to underscore how systems of oppression marginalize underrepresented faculty in nursing academia.

Race is a pseudo-scientific system that was invented to sort people by skin color into different categories. Race has no biologic basis, meaning the phenotype of skin color cannot accurately separate humans into distinct categories. Contemporary Western veterinary medicine was founded by white European men to treat livestock and working horses; 150+ years later, the majority of veterinary graduates are white women working on domesticated family pets. The history of veterinary medicine informs our current reality.

OBJECTIVE: Family planning researchers have not critically engaged with topics of race, racism, and associated concepts like ethnicity. This lack of engagement contributes to the reproduction of research that reifies racial hierarchies rather than illuminate and interrupt the processes by which racism affects health. This Research Practice Support paper lays out considerations and best practices for addressing race and racism in quantitative family planning research.
METHODS: We are scholars with racialized identities and expertise in racial health equity in family planning research. We draw from scholarship and guidance across disciplines to examine common shortcomings in the use and analysis of race and racism and propose practices for rigorous use of these concepts in quantitative family planning research.
RESULTS: We recommend articulating the role of race and racism in the development of the research question, authorship and positionality, study design, data collection, analytic approach, and interpretation of analyses. Definitions of relevant concepts and additional resources are provided.
CONCLUSIONS: Family planning and racism are inextricably linked. Failing to name and analyze the pathways through which structural racism affects family planning, and the people who need or want to plan if, when, or how to become pregnant or parent may reproduce harmful and incorrect beliefs about the causes of health inequities and the attributes of Black, Indigenous, and other people racialized as non-White. Family planning researchers should critically study racism and race with procedures grounded in appropriate and articulated theory, evidence, and analytic approaches.
CONCLUSIONS: Family planning research can better contribute to efforts to eliminate racialized health inequities and avoid perpetuating harmful beliefs and conceptualizations of race by ensuring that they study race and racism with procedures grounded in appropriate and articulated theory, evidence, and analytic approaches.

This study analyzes five publicly posted videos wherein Asians experience interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19. We think social scientists ignore how videos provide data for investigating interpersonal discrimination. We characterize the videos according to multiple features including context, characteristics, and responses of individuals involved, type of threat or mistreatment, and level of psychological and physical harm. We then summarize features across the videos. Among other things, analyses uncover implicit, explicit, and historically specific anti-Asian sentiment alongside evidence perpetrators are men and bystanders do not intervene typically. The Discussion contrasts Asians\' experiences of interpersonal discrimination because of COVID-19 against the interpersonal and institutional discrimination faced by American Indians, blacks, and Hispanics in the United States. That contrast brings Asians\' positionality into sharp relief.

White supremacy and racial inequities have long pervaded psychological research, including body image scholarship and practice. The experiences of white, heterosexual, able-bodied, cisgender (predominantly college) women from wealthy, Westernized nations have been centered throughout body image research and practice, thereby perpetuating myths of invulnerability among racialized groups and casting white ideals and experiences as the standard by which marginalized bodies are compared. Body image is shaped by multiple axes of oppression that exist within systemic and structural systems, ultimately privileging certain bodies above others. In this position paper, we highlight how white supremacy has shaped body image research and practice. In doing so, we first review the history of body image research and explain how participant sampling, measurement, interpretive frameworks, and dissemination of research have upheld and reinforced white supremacy. Next, grounded in inclusivity and intersectionality, we advance the Sociostructural-Intersectional Body Image (SIBI) framework to more fully understand the body image experiences of those with racialized and minoritized bodies, while challenging and seeking to upend white supremacy in body image research and practice. We encourage other scholars to utilize the SIBI framework to better understand body inequities and the body image experiences of all people, in all bodies.

Drawing upon in-depth life-history interviews with 91 North American-based former white supremacists, we examine how participants perceive homicidal violence as either an appropriate or inappropriate political strategy. Based on the current findings, participants considered homicidal violence as largely inappropriate due to moral concerns and its politically ineffective nature but also discussed how homicidal violence could be an appropriate defensive measure in RAHOWA (Racial Holy War) or through divine mandate. Capturing how white supremacists frame the permissibility of homicidal violence is a step toward better understanding the \"upper limit\" or thresholds for violence among members who are trying to construct and negotiate a collective identity that involves violent and aggressive worldviews.