Commercial determinants of health

健康的商业决定因素
  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    考虑到商业决定因素对糖消费和健康的作用,这项研究旨在描述2014年至2022年间智利超加工含糖食品和饮料行业的游说行为.
    超加工含糖食品和饮料行业与相关商业行为者和智利政府官员之间的正式会议是从智利大厅登记处获得的。相关商业名称最初是根据其市场份额确定的,并根据相关会议的信息反复扩展。定性分析遵循演绎归纳的方法,使用公司政治活动模型来识别和分类目标,框架和行动策略。
    从确定的237条记录中,卫生部,社会发展,和经济是最经常游说的。行业代表通过针对各种当局寻求实现其短期和长期目标,包括部长和副部长,使用不同的策略。框架策略的重点是将含糖食品和饮料行业视为对社会负责和合法的政策参与者,并批评公共卫生举措为“不良解决方案”。旨在影响政策制定和培养公司声誉的行动策略。
    在2014年至2022年期间,含糖食品和饮料行业进行了广泛的游说,这一时期智利正在讨论主要的公共卫生政策。游说策略多种多样,以实现行业目标,并针对包括高级官员在内的各种政府机构。迫切需要更严格的法规,以制止公共卫生政策制定中不适当的行业影响。
    国家研究机构(智利)-博士奖学金。伦敦大学学院-开放获取费用。
    UNASSIGNED: Given the role of commercial determinants on sugar consumption and health, this study aimed to describe lobbying practices of the ultra-processed sugary food and drinks industries in Chile between 2014 and 2022.
    UNASSIGNED: Official meetings between ultra-processed sugary food and drinks industries and related commercial actors and Chilean government officials were obtained from the Chilean Lobby Registry. Relevant commercial names were initially identified based on their market share and expanded iteratively based on information from relevant meetings. Qualitative analysis followed a deductive-inductive approach using the Corporate Political Activity Model to identify and classify objectives, framing and action strategies.
    UNASSIGNED: From 237 records identified, the Ministries of Health, Social Development, and Economy were the most frequently lobbied. Industry representatives sought to achieve their short- and long-term objectives by targeting a diverse range of authorities, including Ministers and Under-secretaries, using different strategies. Framing strategies focused on presenting sugary food and drinks industries as socially responsible and legitimate policy actors and criticised public health initiatives as \'bad solutions\'. Action strategies aimed to influence policymaking and nurture corporate reputations.
    UNASSIGNED: Extensive lobbying took place by the sugary food and drinks industries between 2014 and 2022, a period when major public health policies were being discussed in Chile. Lobbying strategies varied to meet industry objectives and targeted a diverse range of government institutions including high-ranking officials. Tighter regulations to stop inappropriate industry influence in public health policymaking are urgently required.
    UNASSIGNED: Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (Chile)-PhD Scholarship. University College London-Open Access fees.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    由于增加了获得医疗保健的机会,城市生活与更好的健康结果相关联。交通运输,人类发展机遇。然而,空间不平等导致差异,导致城市健康优势和惩罚。需要了解健康与城市发展之间的关系,以产生促进健康老龄化人口的经验证据。本研究使用中国不同主要城市的流行病学证据进行了比较分析,研究随着时间的推移,他们独特的城市发展轨迹如何影响老龄居民的健康。
    我们跟踪了空气污染(NO2,PM2.5,O3)的变化,绿色空间(通过NDVI测量),道路基础设施(环路区域),和夜间照明超过20年在中国的六个主要城市。我们对超过16,824人年的4992名老年参与者(平均年龄87.8岁)进行了纵向队列研究。我们采用Cox比例风险回归来评估寿命,评估14个变量,包括年龄,性别,种族,婚姻状况,residence,家庭收入,职业,教育,吸烟,酒精消费,锻炼,以及与医学相关的设施的兴趣点(POI)计数,体育,和休闲服务相关的地方,和5公里半径缓冲区内的景点。
    在地理上接近兴趣点可以显着提高生存率。与POI贫困地区的老年人相比,居住在POI丰富地区附近的老年人的死亡风险降低了34.6%-35.6%,与最低四分位数相比,最高的四分位数。然而,POI丰富地区的空气污染水平较高,包括PM2.5和NO2,分别与增加10μg/m3的死亡风险增加21%和10%相关。城市生活的好处在单中心城市有更高的效果估计,有明确的中心区域,与多中心布局相比,拥有多个卫星城市中心。
    空间不平等对某些人造成城市健康优势,对另一些人造成惩罚。靠近公共设施和经济活动与健康益处有关,并可能抵消较低的绿色空间和较高的空气污染对健康的负面影响。我们的经验证据表明,年龄友好型城市环境的最佳健康收益来自基础设施的平衡,兴趣点,绿色空间,低空气污染。
    北京市自然科学基金(IS23105),国家自然科学基金(82250610230,72061137004),世界卫生组织(2024/1463606-0),研究基金万科清华大学公共卫生学院(2024JC002),北京泰康益彩公益基金会,国家重点研发计划(2018YFC2000400).
    UNASSIGNED: Urban living is linked to better health outcomes due to a combination of enhanced access to healthcare, transportation, and human development opportunities. However, spatial inequalities lead to disparities, resulting in urban health advantages and penalties. Understanding the relationship between health and urban development is needed to generate empirical evidence in promoting healthy aging populations. This study provides a comparative analysis using epidemiological evidence across diverse major Chinese cities, examining how their unique urban development trajectories over time have impacted the health of their aging residents.
    UNASSIGNED: We tracked changes in air pollution (NO2, PM2.5, O3), green space (measured by NDVI), road infrastructure (ring road areas), and nighttime lighting over 20 years in six major cities in China. We followed a longitudinal cohort of 4992 elderly participants (average age 87.8 years) over 16,824 person-years. We employed Cox proportional hazard regression to assess longevity, assessing 14 variables, including age, sex, ethnicity, marital status, residence, household income, occupation, education, smoking, alcohol consumption, exercise, and points of interest (POI) count of medicine-related facilities, sports, and leisure service-related places, and scenic spots within a 5 km-radius buffer.
    UNASSIGNED: Geographic proximity to points of interest significantly improves survival. Elderly living in proximity of the POI-rich areas had a 34.6%-35.6% lower mortality risk compared to those in POI-poor areas, for the highest compared to the lowest quartile. However, POI-rich areas had higher air pollution levels, including PM2.5 and NO2, which was associated with a 21% and 10% increase in mortality risk for increase of 10 μg/m3, respectively. The benefits of urban living had higher effect estimates in monocentric cities, with clearly defined central areas, compared to polycentric layouts, with multiple satellite city centers.
    UNASSIGNED: Spatial inequalities create urban health advantages for some and penalties for others. Proximity to public facilities and economic activities is associated with health benefits, and may counterbalance the negative health impacts of lower green space and higher air pollution. Our empirical evidence show optimal health gains for age-friendly urban environments come from a balance of infrastructure, points of interest, green spaces, and low air pollution.
    UNASSIGNED: Natural Science Foundation of Beijing (IS23105), National Natural Science Foundation of China (82250610230, 72061137004), World Health Organization (2024/1463606-0), Research Fund Vanke School of Public Health Tsinghua University (2024JC002), Beijing TaiKang YiCai Public Welfare Foundation, National Key R&D Program of China (2018YFC2000400).
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:商业配方奶(CMF)的剥削性营销减少了母乳喂养,并危害全球儿童和孕产妇健康。然而,在世卫组织成员国通过《国际母乳代用品销售守则》(《守则》)四十年后,许多国家仍在将其规定充分落实到国家法律中。此外,尽管代码,全球CMF市场已显著扩大。在本文中,我们采用巴西作为案例研究,以了解婴儿食品行业营销和企业政治活动的力量,以及这如何以促进和维持CMF消费的方式影响该国的“第一食品系统”。
    方法:我们使用了案例研究设计,从文件和关键线人访谈中提取数据(N=10)。
    结果:巴西的母乳喂养率在1970年代暴跌至历史低点。从1980年代中期开始,母乳喂养的复苏反映了对国家政策框架和母乳喂养保护法的政治承诺得到加强,结果反过来,从母乳喂养联盟的集体行动中,倡导者,和母亲。然而最近,在巴西,母乳喂养的改善已经停滞不前,而在2006年至20年间,该行业在巴西的CMF销售额增长了750%。随着法规的收紧,该行业更积极地推广了面向大龄婴幼儿的CMF,以及专门的公式。通过与强大的行业团体的合作,婴儿食品行业得到了授权,并雇用游说者与政策制定者有很好的联系。该行业通过与巴西儿科学会的长期合作,在巴西占领了儿科行业。
    结论:巴西说明了婴儿食品行业如何利用营销和政治活动来促进和维持CMF市场,不利于母乳喂养。我们的结果表明,该行业需要监管机构进行更严格的审查。
    BACKGROUND: The exploitative marketing of commercial milk formula (CMF) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes (The Code) was adopted by WHO member states, many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, worldwide CMF markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt Brazil as a case study to understand the power of the baby food industry\'s marketing and corporate political activity, and how this influences the country\'s \'first-food system\' in ways that promote and sustain CMF consumption.
    METHODS: We used a case study design, drawing data from from documents and key informant interviews (N = 10).
    RESULTS: Breastfeeding rates plummeted in Brazil to a historic low in the 1970s. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national policy framework and breastfeeding protection law, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates, and mothers. Yet more recently, improvements in breastfeeding have plateaued in Brazil, while the industry grew CMF sales in Brazil by 750% between 2006 and 20. As regulations tightened, the industry has more aggressively promoted CMF for older infants and young children, as well as specialised formulas. The baby food industry is empowered through association with powerful industry groups, and employs lobbyists with good access to policymakers. The industry has captured the pediatric profession in Brazil through its long-standing association with the Brazilian Society of Pediatrics.
    CONCLUSIONS: Brazil illustrates how the baby food industry uses marketing and political activity to promote and sustain CMF markets, to the detriment of breastfeeding. Our results demonstrate that this industry requires much greater scrutiny by regulators.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    公司在政策和决策中的影响力是一个重要的公共卫生问题。这份卫生政策文件回顾了厄瓜多尔的儿童营养不良战略工具,在2020年至2023年之间批准,以确定私人利益如何合法地融入公共部门。证据表明,最近的变化使公司能够推广他们的品牌,获得税收减免,监督公共政策并确定优先事项,分配资源,并决定实施国家的儿童营养不良战略。Further,公司代表是咨询委员会的积极成员,不受审查或问责,同时不了解未公开的政府信息。此外,联合国机构(世界粮食计划署)从事高度加工食品的企业推广,说明厄瓜多尔公司影响力计划的广度。改进的法规应明确限制食品和饮料行业在国家营养政策中的影响,同时在厄瓜多尔儿童营养不良战略的组成和运作以及相关努力中遵循透明度法律。
    Corporate influence in policy and decision-making is an important public health concern. This Health Policy paper reviews Ecuador\'s child malnutrition strategy instruments, approved between 2020 and 2023, to identify how private interests are becoming legally integrated into the public sector. Evidence indicates that recent changes are enabling corporations to promote their brands, gain tax deductions, oversee public policy and set priorities, allocate resources, and decide on implementation of the country\'s child malnutrition strategy. Further, corporate representatives are active members of an advisory council, free from scrutiny or accountability, while being privy to undisclosed government information. Moreover, a UN agency (the World Food Program) engaged in corporate promotion of highly processed foods, illustrating the breadth of Ecuador\'s corporate influence scheme. Improved regulations should set clear limits to the influence of food and beverage industries in national nutrition policy, while following transparency laws in the composition and operation of Ecuador\'s child malnutrition strategy and related efforts.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    赌博与对健康的严重危害有关,包括自杀.然而,记录赌博在自杀死亡中的作用的公共卫生系统相对不发达。这项研究有助于理解这种关系。
    对2009年至2016年间向维多利亚州验尸官法院报告的自杀事件进行了基于人群的横断面研究,以确定赌博相关自杀(GRS)的发生率和特征。
    从2009年到2016年,维多利亚州有4788人自杀死亡。其中,184人被确定为直接GRS,另外17人被“受影响的其他人”确定为GRS。一起,在这八年期间,这些GRS占维多利亚州所有自杀事件的4.2%。直接GRS占每百万维多利亚时代成年人5.13GRS的年平均比率。GRS明显更可能是男性(n=153,83%),比维多利亚州人口的总自杀死亡和明显更有可能发生在那些最弱势群体。家人和朋友比临床医生更有可能了解死者的赌博。
    鉴于赌博不是由验尸官进行例行调查,并且可能对家人隐藏,朋友,和卫生专业人员,这低估了维多利亚州GRS的真实规模。应采取一系列措施,屏幕,支持,对待赌博的伤害。还应该向家人和朋友提供帮助服务。通过公共卫生措施预防与赌博有关的伤害可以显着减少自杀和自杀,在澳大利亚和全球。
    澳大利亚联邦大学,维多利亚验尸官法院,澳大利亚自杀预防
    UNASSIGNED: Gambling is associated with serious harms to health, including suicide. Yet public health systems for recording the role of gambling in suicide deaths are relatively underdeveloped. This study contributes to the understanding of this relationship.
    UNASSIGNED: A population-based cross-sectional study of suicides reported to the Coroners Court of Victoria between 2009 and 2016 was performed to identify the incidence and characteristics of gambling-related suicides (GRS).
    UNASSIGNED: From 2009 to 2016 there were 4788 suicide deaths in Victoria. Of these, 184 were identified as direct GRS and a further 17 were GRS by \'affected others\'. Together, these GRS comprise 4.2% of all suicides in Victoria over this eight-year period. Direct GRS account for an annual average rate of 5.13 GRS per million Victorian adults. GRS were significantly more likely to be male (n = 153, 83%), than the Victorian population of total suicide deaths and significantly more likely to occur among those most disadvantaged. Family members and friends were more likely than clinicians to know about the deceased gambling.
    UNASSIGNED: Given that gambling is not routinely investigated by coroners and may be hidden from family, friends, and health professionals, this is an underestimate of the true scale of the GRS in Victoria. A range of measures should be introduced to prevent, screen, support, and treat gambling harm. Family members and friends should also be provided with help services. Preventing gambling-related harm through public health measures could significantly reduce suicidality and suicide, both in Australia and globally.
    UNASSIGNED: Federation University Australia, Coroners Court of Victoria, Suicide Prevention Australia.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:非传染性疾病(NCDs)是加勒比地区和类似地区的主要死亡原因。结构性决定因素包括对粮食进口的依赖显著增加,以及加工食品的扩散,包括含糖饮料(SSB)。我们把牙买加作为一个案例研究和SSB的健康挑战,和当代行动,在其历史背景下的经验和政策,以调查健康商业决定因素的潜在驱动因素,并试图应对它们。我们的问题是:牙买加高水平SSB消费驱动因素的历史视角如何有助于加深对旨在减少其摄入量的公共卫生政策背景的理解?
    方法:采用远程数据收集的人种学方法包括对22名当地专家和健康从业者进行在线半结构化访谈和研讨会,在牙买加的农业和营养,并参加了有关加勒比SSB和非传染性疾病行动的区域公共网络研讨会。我们的分析位于对加勒比粮食经济的历史研究的回顾中,重点是二十世纪。牙买加和英国的研究人员收集和人种学分析了数据,并与更广泛的跨学科团队讨论了调查结果。
    结果:我们强调了历史事件影响SSB消费背景因素的三个关键领域。在牙买加漫长的殖民历史期间,将特权糖作为经济作物而不是粮食生产,自1980年代以来,通过结构调整放松了贸易管制,为跨国公司打开了市场。这些变化增加了牙买加对这些公司的大众广告和营销的接受度,虽然长期的权力失衡阻碍了当代公共卫生行动中的税收和监管。民间社会的努力对于促进结构改革以遏制SSB的过度消费和分散这种根深蒂固的权力关系非常重要。
    结论:牙买加SSB的当代挑战是对健康的商业决定因素以及全球市场驱动型经济的重要背景以及私营部门利益参与公共卫生政策的严峻案例研究和治理。从历史上看,将这些决定因素联系起来对于理解当今牙买加的糖生态至关重要,并且可以帮助阐明根深蒂固的权力动态及其关键参与者。
    Non-communicable diseases (NCDs) are the leading cause of mortality across the Caribbean and similar regions. Structural determinants include a marked increase in the dependency on food imports, and the proliferation of processed foods, including sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs). We focused on Jamaica as a case study and the health challenge of SSBs, and situated contemporary actions, experiences and policies within their historical context to investigate underlying drivers of commercial determinants of health and attempts to counter them. We asked: how can a historical perspective of the drivers of high level SSB consumption in Jamaica contribute to an enhanced understanding of the context of public health policies aimed at reducing their intake?
    An ethnographic approach with remote data collection included online semi-structured interviews and workshops with 22 local experts and practitioners of health, agriculture and nutrition in Jamaica and attending relevant regional public webinars on SSBs and NCD action in the Caribbean. Our analysis was situated within a review of historical studies of Caribbean food economies with focus on the twentieth century. Jamaican and UK-based researchers collected and ethnographically analysed the data, and discussed findings with the wider transdisciplinary team.
    We emphasise three key areas in which historical events have shaped contextual factors of SSB consumption. Trade privileged sugar as a cash crop over food production during Jamaica\'s long colonial history, and trade deregulation since the 1980s through structural adjustment opened markets to transnational companies. These changes increased Jamaican receptiveness to the mass advertisement and marketing of these companies, whilst long-standing power imbalances hampered taxation and regulation in contemporary public health actions. Civil society efforts were important for promoting structural changes to curb overconsumption of SSBs and decentring such entrenched power relations.
    The contemporary challenge of SSBs in Jamaica is a poignant case study of commercial determinants of health and the important context of global market-driven economies and the involvement of private sector interests in public health policies and governance. Historically contextualising these determinants is paramount to making sense of the sugar ecology in Jamaica today and can help elucidate entrenched power dynamics and their key actors.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:商业广告和赞助推动了有害商品的消费。地方当局(LA)有相当大的权力来减少此类风险。这项研究旨在描述所有英国LAs的当地商业政策。
    方法:我们对所有英国LAs(n=333)进行了普查,以确定有关烟草广告和赞助的当地商业政策,酒精,不太健康的食物和赌博,通过在线搜索和信息自由请求。我们探索了政策存在,商品频率和类型,以及与洛杉矶特征的关联(地区,城市/农村和贫困)。
    结果:英格兰只有三分之一(106)的LA有相关政策(32%)。其中包括对烟草的限制(91%),赌博(79%),酒精(74%)和/或不太健康的食物(24%)。英格兰东部的政策普及率最低(22%),东北(25%)和西北(27%),城市地区(36%)高于农村地区(28%),最低(27%)低于最贫困地区(38%)。政策中的定义各不相同,特别是酒精和不太健康的食物。
    结论:英语LA目前未充分利用其杠杆来减少有害商品行业营销的负面影响,特别是关于不太健康的食物。规范指导,包括定义和应用的清晰度,可以为当地政策制定提供信息。
    Commercial advertising and sponsorship drive the consumption of harmful commodities. Local authorities (LAs) have considerable powers to reduce such exposures. This study aimed to characterize local commercial policies across all English LAs.
    We conducted a census of all English LAs (n = 333) to identify local commercial policies concerning advertising and sponsorship of tobacco, alcohol, less healthy foods and gambling, through online searches and Freedom of Information requests. We explored policy presence, commodity frequency and type, and associations with LA characteristics (region, urban/rural and deprivation).
    Only a third (106) of LAs in England had a relevant policy (32%). These included restrictions on tobacco (91%), gambling (79%), alcohol (74%) and/or less healthy foods (24%). Policy prevalence was lowest in the East of England (22%), North East (25%) and North West (27%), higher in urban areas (36%) than rural areas (28%) and lower in the least (27%) compared with the most (38%) deprived areas. Definitions in policies varied, particularly for alcohol and less healthy foods.
    English LAs currently underutilize their levers to reduce the negative impacts of harmful commodity industry marketing, particularly concerning less healthy foods. Standardized guidance, including clarity on definitions and application, could inform local policy development.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:健康的商业决定因素(CDoH)代表了探索过度的公司和商业影响健康的关键框架。屈光力镜片是理解CDoH不可或缺的一部分。食物的影响,酒精,赌博业是可观察到的CDoH结果。本研究旨在了解在澳大利亚食品中工作的商业和/或公司力量的系统和机构,酒精,和影响健康和福祉的赌博业,包括通过这些系统和机构实现的更广泛的话语。
    方法:对澳大利亚公共政策过程的主要信息提供者进行了20次半结构化访谈。受访者是现任和前任政治家,政治工作人员,监管机构和其他公务员,行业代表,游说者,记者,以及具有澳大利亚食品专业知识和经验的研究人员,酒精,和/或赌博业。访谈寻求参与者对澳大利亚食物的看法,酒精,和赌博业的异同,权力和影响力,关系,干预的机会和需求。
    结果:澳大利亚食品使用的策略和策略,酒精和赌博行业相似,和烟草行业的类似。他们挥舞着相当柔软的(例如,有说服力,偏好塑造)和坚硬(例如,强制,政治,和法律/经济)权力。根据参与者的背景,对这种力量的看法有很大不同。参与者使用正统的新自由主义话语来构建他们对必要干预措施的理解,包括限制政府的作用,强调教育,消费者自由,和个人选择。
    结论:食品,酒精,和赌博业在澳大利亚公共政策进程中发挥着强大的影响力,影响人口健康和福祉。根据伍德和同事的框架,这些公司清单,社会,和生态结果,代表了相当大的工具性,结构,和话语的力量。我们认为权力来自话语和物质资源,以及关系和复杂的行业网络。解决能力对于减少CDoH危害至关重要。破坏正统的话语和意识形态应该是公共卫生(PH)倡导者和研究人员的核心焦点。
    Commercial determinants of health (CDoH) represent a critical frame for exploring undue corporate and commercial influence over health. Power lenses are integral to understanding CDoH. Impacts of food, alcohol, and gambling industries are observable CDoH outcomes. This study aims to inform understanding of the systems and institutions of commercial and/or corporate forces working within the Australian food, alcohol, and gambling industries that influence health and well-being, including broader discourses materialised via these systems and institutions.
    Twenty semi-structured interviews were conducted with key-informants on Australian public policy processes. Interviewees were current and former politicians, political staff members, regulators and other public servants, industry representatives, lobbyists, journalists, and researchers with expertise and experience of the Australian food, alcohol, and/ or gambling industries. Interviews sought participants\' perceptions of Australian food, alcohol, and gambling industries\' similarities and differences, power and influence, relationships, and intervention opportunities and needs.
    Strategies and tactics used by Australian food, alcohol and gambling industries are similar, and similar to those of the tobacco industry. They wield considerable soft (eg, persuasive, preference-shaping) and hard (eg, coercive, political, and legal/economic) power. Perceptions of this power differed considerably according to participants\' backgrounds. Participants framed their understanding of necessary interventions using orthodox neoliberal discourses, including limiting the role of government, emphasising education, consumer freedom, and personal choice.
    Food, alcohol, and gambling industries exercise powerful influences in Australian public policy processes, affecting population health and well-being. Per Wood and colleagues\' framework, these manifest corporate, social, and ecological outcomes, and represent considerable instrumental, structural, and discursive power. We identify power as arising from discourse and material resources alike, along with relationships and complex industry networks. Addressing power is essential for reducing CDoH harms. Disrupting orthodox discourses and ideologies underpinning this should be a core focus of public health (PH) advocates and researchers alike.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:商业活动对土著居民的健康和福祉影响是一个新兴的研究领域。酒精行业是澳大利亚健康和社会危害的关键驱动因素。2016年Woolworths,澳大利亚最大的食品和饮料零售商,提议在达尔文建立丹·墨菲的酒精超市,靠近三个“干旱”土著社区。这项研究考察了Woolworths用来推进DanMurphy建议的策略,并了解民间社会的行动如何克服强大的商业利益,以保护原住民和托雷斯海峡岛民的健康和福祉。
    方法:将来自土著和非土著线人的11次访谈的数据与从媒体文章和政府中提取的数据相结合,非政府和行业文件。经过调整的公司健康影响评估框架为主题分析提供了信息。
    结果:Woolworths采用了几种策略,包括游说,政治压力,诉讼,和分裂的公开言论,而忽略了证据表明商店会增加与酒精有关的伤害。反对该提案的宣传运动强调了土著和非土著团体共同努力打击商业利益的重要性,以及支持土著领导的必要性。倡导策略包括通过Woolworths\'投资者提高媒体和企业行动主义中社区长老的声音。
    结论:土著和非土著群体联盟所使用的策略可能在未来的宣传运动中有用,以保护土著和托雷斯海峡岛民的健康和福祉免受商业利益的侵害。
    BACKGROUND: The health and wellbeing impacts of commercial activity on Indigenous populations is an emerging field of research. The alcohol industry is a key driver of health and social harms within Australia. In 2016 Woolworths, the largest food and beverage retailer in Australia, proposed to build a Dan Murphy\'s alcohol megastore in Darwin, near three \'dry\' Aboriginal communities. This study examines the tactics used by Woolworths to advance the Dan Murphy\'s proposal and understand how civil society action can overcome powerful commercial interests to protect Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and wellbeing.
    METHODS: Data from 11 interviews with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal informants were combined with data extracted from media articles and government, non-government and industry documents. Thematic analysis was informed by an adapted corporate health impact assessment framework.
    RESULTS: Woolworths employed several strategies including lobbying, political pressure, litigation, and divisive public rhetoric, while ignoring the evidence suggesting the store would increase alcohol-related harm. The advocacy campaign against the proposal highlighted the importance of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups working together to counter commercial interests and the need to champion Aboriginal leadership. Advocacy strategies included elevating the voices of community Elders in the media and corporate activism via Woolworths\' investors.
    CONCLUSIONS: The strategies used by the coalition of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups may be useful in future advocacy campaigns to safeguard Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and wellbeing from commercial interests.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:健康的商业决定因素包括一系列促进商业利益的实践,往往以牺牲公共卫生为代价。公司政治实践,比如游说和竞选捐款,被用来影响政策制定者,营造有利于商业利益的政治和监管环境。尽管人们认识到它们对公众健康的重要性,到目前为止,系统地监测商业政治实践的努力相对较少。
    方法:进行了一项试点研究,以探索对“有害行业”(酒精,赌博,澳大利亚的超加工食品和烟草行业)。审查了潜在的数据源,以比较数据的可用性和细节。为试点选择了两个公开的数据集:新南威尔士州的部长日记和澳大利亚选举委员会的年度捐助者文件。GoogleDataStudio用于分析和可视化发现。结果:初步研究导致创建了几个交互式图表和仪表板,支持数据分析和询问。这些图表有助于轻松传达游说和政治捐款的数量,以及随着时间的变化。例如,我们发现,在2014年7月至2020年12月期间,新南威尔士州部长们举行了20,607次会议,其中634次会议与有害行业举行。在1998年至2020年期间,向政党和其他实体提供了总计576,519,472美元的公开捐款,其中35823937美元来自有害行业。
    结论:制定监控商业政治实践的计划的机会面临着一些挑战,包括由于数据的可用性和细节不足而产生的访问障碍,数据披露格式所产生的技术壁垒和商业部门多样性所产生的编码挑战。尽管面临这些挑战,我们的试点研究表明,实施监测计划并将其范围扩大到其他商业健康决定因素的潜力。
    The commercial determinants of health include a range of practices to promote business interests, often at the expense of public health. Corporate political practices, such as lobbying and campaign donations, are used to influence policy makers and foster a political and regulatory environment conducive to business interests. Despite recognition of their public health importance, thus far there are relatively few efforts to systematically monitor commercial political practices.
    A pilot study was conducted to explore the feasibility of systematically monitoring two political practices - lobbying and political contributions - for \'harmful industries\' (alcohol, gambling, ultra-processed food and tobacco industries) in Australia. Potential data sources were reviewed to compare data availability and detail. Two publicly available datasets were selected for the pilot: ministerial diaries for New South Wales and annual donor filings from the Australian Electoral Commission. Google Data Studio was used to analyse and visualise findings.  RESULTS: The pilot study resulted in the creation of several interactive charts and dashboards that supported analysis and interrogation of the data. These charts helped to easily convey the volume of lobbying and political donations, as well as changes over time. For example, we found that between July 2014 and December 2020, NSW ministers had 20,607 meetings, of which 634 meetings were with harmful industries. And between 1998 and 2020, a total of $576,519,472 disclosed donations were made to political parties and other entities, of which $35,823,937 were from harmful industries.
    Opportunities to develop a program to monitor commercial political practices face several challenges including access barriers arising from poor availability and detail of data, technical barriers arising from the format of data disclosures and coding challenges arising from the diverse nature of the commercial sector. Despite these challenges, our pilot study demonstrates the potential to implement a monitoring program and to expand its scope to other commercial determinants of health.
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