BACKGROUND: The exploitative marketing of commercial milk formula (CMF) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the International Code of Marketing of Breast-Milk Substitutes (The Code) was adopted by WHO member states, many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, worldwide CMF markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt Brazil as a case study to understand the power of the baby food industry\'s marketing and corporate political activity, and how this influences the country\'s \'first-food system\' in ways that promote and sustain CMF consumption.
METHODS: We used a case study design, drawing data from from documents and key informant interviews (N = 10).
RESULTS: Breastfeeding rates plummeted in Brazil to a historic low in the 1970s. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national policy framework and breastfeeding protection law, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates, and mothers. Yet more recently, improvements in breastfeeding have plateaued in Brazil, while the industry grew CMF sales in Brazil by 750% between 2006 and 20. As regulations tightened, the industry has more aggressively promoted CMF for older infants and young children, as well as specialised formulas. The baby food industry is empowered through association with powerful industry groups, and employs lobbyists with good access to policymakers. The industry has captured the pediatric profession in Brazil through its long-standing association with the Brazilian Society of Pediatrics.
CONCLUSIONS: Brazil illustrates how the baby food industry uses marketing and political activity to promote and sustain CMF markets, to the detriment of breastfeeding. Our results demonstrate that this industry requires much greater scrutiny by regulators.

Corporate influence in policy and decision-making is an important public health concern. This Health Policy paper reviews Ecuador\'s child malnutrition strategy instruments, approved between 2020 and 2023, to identify how private interests are becoming legally integrated into the public sector. Evidence indicates that recent changes are enabling corporations to promote their brands, gain tax deductions, oversee public policy and set priorities, allocate resources, and decide on implementation of the country\'s child malnutrition strategy. Further, corporate representatives are active members of an advisory council, free from scrutiny or accountability, while being privy to undisclosed government information. Moreover, a UN agency (the World Food Program) engaged in corporate promotion of highly processed foods, illustrating the breadth of Ecuador\'s corporate influence scheme. Improved regulations should set clear limits to the influence of food and beverage industries in national nutrition policy, while following transparency laws in the composition and operation of Ecuador\'s child malnutrition strategy and related efforts.

BACKGROUND: The health and wellbeing impacts of commercial activity on Indigenous populations is an emerging field of research. The alcohol industry is a key driver of health and social harms within Australia. In 2016 Woolworths, the largest food and beverage retailer in Australia, proposed to build a Dan Murphy\'s alcohol megastore in Darwin, near three \'dry\' Aboriginal communities. This study examines the tactics used by Woolworths to advance the Dan Murphy\'s proposal and understand how civil society action can overcome powerful commercial interests to protect Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and wellbeing.
METHODS: Data from 11 interviews with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal informants were combined with data extracted from media articles and government, non-government and industry documents. Thematic analysis was informed by an adapted corporate health impact assessment framework.
RESULTS: Woolworths employed several strategies including lobbying, political pressure, litigation, and divisive public rhetoric, while ignoring the evidence suggesting the store would increase alcohol-related harm. The advocacy campaign against the proposal highlighted the importance of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups working together to counter commercial interests and the need to champion Aboriginal leadership. Advocacy strategies included elevating the voices of community Elders in the media and corporate activism via Woolworths\' investors.
CONCLUSIONS: The strategies used by the coalition of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups may be useful in future advocacy campaigns to safeguard Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health and wellbeing from commercial interests.

The commercial determinants of health (CDoH) drive the rise of NCDs globally, and their regulation requires multisectoral governance. Despite existing recommendations to strengthen institutional structures, protecting public health interests can be challenging amidst industry interference and conflicting policy priorities, particularly in low and middle-income countries (LMICs) where the need for rapid economic development is pronounced. Small island developing states (SIDS) face even more challenges in regulating CDoH because their unique socioeconomic, political, and geographic vulnerabilities may weaken institutional conditions that could aid health sector actors in protecting health interests. This study aims to explore the institutional conditions that shape health sector actors\' capability to protect public health interests in tobacco governance in Fiji and Vanuatu.
We employed a qualitative, exploratory case study design. We applied the administrative process theory to inform data collection and analysis. Seventy interviews were completed in Fiji and Vanuatu from 2018 to 2019.
The findings show that the protection of health interests in tobacco governance were not supported by the institutional conditions in Fiji and Vanuatu. While the policy processes formally ensured a level playing field between actors, policies were often developed through informal mechanisms, and the safeguards to protect public interests from vested private interests were not implemented adequately. SIDS vulnerabilities and weak regulation of political parties contributed to the politicisation of government in both states, resulting in high-level government officials\' questionable commitment to protect public health interests. The system of checks and balances usually embedded into democratic governments appeared to be muted, and policymakers had limited bureaucratic autonomy to elevate health interests in multisectoral policymaking amidst high-level government officials\' frequent rotation. Finally, capacity constraints aggravated by SIDS vulnerabilities negatively impacted health sector actors\' capability to analyse policy alternatives.
Health sector actors in Fiji and Vanuatu were not supported by institutional conditions that could help them protect public health interests in multisectoral governance to regulate CDoH originating from the tobacco industry. Institutional conditions in these states were shaped by SIDS vulnerabilities but could be improved by targeted capacity building, governance and political system strengthening.

Social determinants of health are a subject of growing interest, yet criticisms have emerged about the way determinants are conceptualized in nursing. A tendency to focus on readily observable living conditions and measurable demographic characteristics can divert attention, it has been said, from the less visible underlying processes which shape social life and health. To illustrate how the analytic perspective determines what becomes visible or invisible as a \"determinant\" in health, this paper presents a case exemplar. Drawing from news reports and research in real estate economics and urban policy analysis, it explores a single local infectious illness outbreak through a series of progressively more abstract units of inquiry, considering mechanisms of lending and debt financing, housing supply, property valuation, tax policy, change in the structure of the financial industry, and international patterns of migration and capital flow, among other factors, which contributed in various ways to creating unsafe living conditions. An analytic exercise calling attention to dynamism and complexity in social processes, the paper offers a political-economy-based approach that serves as a cautionary note against oversimplification in discussions of health causality.

Globally, first-food systems have changed and breastfeeding has decreased due to the increased growth in commercial breast milk substitute (BMS) consumption, which includes both follow-up and toddler formulas. These products are manufactured by a small number of corporate leaders in international BMS sales. Discussions for global regulation of these products take place in the Codex Alimentarius and are permeated by the strong participation of these corporations in the Codex committees.
In the present study, the participation of the baby food industry in the review of the follow-up formula standard in the Codex Committee on Nutrition and Foods for Special Dietary Uses (CCNFSDU) was analyzed.
The analysis of the CCNFSDU documents was based on the period from 2009 to 2019 and used quantitative and qualitative approaches. Compositional and participation data from country delegations and observer organizations on the representative profiles of the involved institutions and the baby food industry\'s involvement in this process were established systematically.
In total, 134 out of the 189 Codex Alimentarius member countries engaged in the standard review process, of which 28% were involved in the entire process. The private sector was present in 81% of the most assiduous member state delegations to the meetings. Furthermore, ~60% of the observer organizations involved in the review process were business associations representing industry interests. Moreover, the International Special Dietary Foods Industries was the only business association with observer status in the CCNFSDU that was specifically dedicated to representing the baby food industryduring the review process.
These research results expand the body of evidence confirming the expressive and disproportionate participation of baby food industries and their representatives in the discussion processes within the scope of the CCNFSDU. However, studies investigating the Codex and the public documents of its respective committees are limited. Thus, this was the first study to analyze the influence of the baby food industry on BMS global regulatory compliance.

Influencing public perception is a key way in which all transnational corporations (TNCs) maintain market dominance and political power. Transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) have a long history of leveraging narratives to serve commercial ambitions. The global reach of these companies\' narratives has been highlighted as a challenge in combatting public health problems caused by tobacco. The corporate power of TTCs is carefully curated, and their narratives play an important role in the setting of governance dynamics at local, national and transnational levels. This qualitative work explores and compares the language used by British American Tobacco (BAT) and Philip Morris International (PMI) around harm, harm reduction and terms used to refer to newer nicotine and tobacco products, including electronic cigarettes and heated tobacco products. We systematically examine framings used by these two TTCs through company reports published between 2011 and 2021. Qualitative coding was carried out by four coders, according to a protocol developed specifically for this work. We firstly identified the presence of pre-selected keywords and then assigned chunks of text containing those key words to one or more associated frames drawn from Boydstun\'s policy frames codebook (2013). Qualitative coding identified the most common frames from Boydstun\'s codebook and thematic analysis highlighted three overarching themes. The most common frames assigned were \"capacity and resources\", \"health and safety\" and \"economic\" frames. The overarching themes were individualization, normalization, and regulation. These themes capture how both BAT and PMI use particular framings to downplay the role of TTCs in the perpetuation of population- and individual-level harms related to tobacco use. They seek to normalize their role in public discussions of health policy, to cast themselves as instrumental in the redress of tobacco-related inequalities and shift responsibility for the continuation of tobacco-product use onto individual consumers. These tactics are problematic for the effective and impartial development and implementation of local, national and international tobacco control agendas.

There are growing concerns that the public\'s trust in science is eroding, including concerns that vested interests are corrupting what we know about our food. We know the food industry funds third-party \'front groups\' to advance its positions and profits. Here we ask whether this is the case with International Food Information Council (IFIC) and its associated Foundation, exploring its motivations and the potential for industry influence on communications around nutritional science.
We systematically searched the University of California San Francisco\'s Food Industry Documents Archive, for all documents pertaining to IFIC, which were then thematically evaluated against a science-communication influence model.
We identified 75 documents which evidence that prominent individuals with long careers in the food industry view IFIC as designed to: 1) advance industry public relations goals; 2) amplify the messages of industry-funded research organizations; and 3) place industry approved experts before the press and media, in ways that conceal industry input. We observed that there were in some cases efforts made to conceal and dilute industry links associated with IFIC from the public\'s view.
Instances suggesting IFIC communicates content produced by industry, and other industry-funded organisations like ILSI, give rise to concerns about vested interests going undetected in its outputs. IFIC\'s deployment to take on so-called \"hard-hitting issues\" for industry, summating evidence, while countering evidence that industry opposes, give rise to concerns about IFIC\'s purported neutrality. IFIC\'s role in coordinating and placing industry allies in online and traditional press outlets, to overcome industry\'s global scientific, legislative, regulatory and public relations challenges, leads also to concerns about it thwarting effective public health and safety measures.
IFIC\'s promotion of evidence for the food industry should be interpreted as marketing strategy for those funders. Effective science communication may be obfuscated by undeclared conflicts of interests.

Breastfeeding is important for the health and development of the child, and for maternal health, in all country contexts. However, global sales of breast-milk substitutes (BMS), including infant, follow-up and toddler formulas, have \'boomed\' in recent decades. This raises the importance of international food standards established by the Codex Alimentarius Commission (Codex) on the safety, composition and labelling of BMS. Such standards appear to be strongly contested by governments, industry and civil society groups, yet few studies have investigated the politics of Codex standard-setting processes. The aim of this paper is to understand who participates in decision-making, and how actors frame and contest proposals to revise the Codex Standard on Follow-up Formula (FUF).
We adopted a case study design involving two steps. First, we enumerated government, industry, civil society, and international organization stakeholders participating in standard-setting processes of the Codex Committee on Nutrition and Foods for Special Dietary Uses (CCNFSDU). Second, we conducted a framing analysis of stakeholder inputs during the FUF standard revision in CCNFSDU meetings. Publicly available online meeting reports (2015-2019) were retrieved, analyzed using a theoretical framework, and organized thematically.
High-income country (HIC) delegates greatly outnumbered those from other country income categories. Industry representation was higher compared with other observer categories. Member state delegations included more industry representation than civil society representation, and were occasionally the only member state delegates. Industry stakeholders framed arguments in terms of trade implications, science, and flexible standards. Civil society groups used public health, science, and pro-breastfeeding frames.
Codex BMS standard-setting procedures are dominated by HICs and industry groups. Limited representation of civil society, and of low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), suggest actions are needed to substantially increase support for their involvement at Codex. Such representation may help to counteract power asymmetries and commercial influences on food standards for infants and young children.

The aggressive marketing of breastmilk substitutes (BMS) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the World Health Assembly adopted the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes (The Code), many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, commercial milk formula (CMF) markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt the Philippines as a case study to understand the battle for national Code implementation. In particular, we investigate the market and political strategies used by the baby food industry to shape the country\'s \'first-food system\', and in doing so, promote and sustain CMF consumption. We further investigate how breastfeeding coalitions and advocates have resisted these strategies, and generated political commitment for a world-leading breastfeeding policy framework and protection law (the \'Milk Code\'). We used a case study design and process tracing method, drawing from documentary and interview data.
The decline in breastfeeding in the Philippines in the mid-twentieth Century associated with intensive BMS marketing via health systems and consumer advertising. As regulations tightened, the industry more aggressively promoted CMFs for older infants and young children, thereby \'marketing around\' the Milk Code. It established front groups to implement political strategies intended to weaken the country\'s breastfeeding policy framework while also fostering a favourable image. This included lobbying government officials and international organizations, emphasising its economic importance and threats to foreign investment and trade, direct litigation against the government, messaging that framed marketing in terms of women\'s choice and empowerment, and forging partnerships. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national breastfeeding policy framework and Milk Code, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates and mothers.
The Philippines illustrates the continuing battle for worldwide Code implementation, and in particular, how the baby food industry uses and adapts its market and political practices to promote and sustain CMF markets. Our results demonstrate that this industry\'s political practices require much greater scrutiny. Furthermore, that mobilizing breastfeeding coalitions, advocacy groups and mothers is crucial to continually strengthen and protect national breastfeeding policy frameworks and Code implementation.