In response to the data revolution, academic research and media attention have increasingly focused on the technological adaptation and innovation displayed by the far right. The greatest attention is paid to social media and how groups and organizations are utilizing technological advancement and growth in virtual networks to increase recruitment and advance radicalization on a global scale. As with most social and political endeavors, certain technologies are in vogue and thus draw the attention of users and regulators and service providers. This creates a technological blind spot within which extremist groups frequently operate older and less well regarded technologies without the oversight that one might expect. This article examines the less well-studied traditional and official websites of the Ku Klux Klan, the most established and iconic of American far-right organizations. By incorporating non-participant observation of online spaces and thematic analysis, this research analyzes the evolution of 26 websites, from their emergence in the early 1990s to the present day. We examine the ways in which traditional printed communications and other ephemera have progressed with advances in technology, focusing on the following central elements of Klan political activism and community formation: Klan identity, organizational history, aims and objectives; technology and outreach, including online merchandise and event organization; and the constructions of whiteness and racism. The results add value and insight to comparable work by offering a unique historical insight into the ways in which the Klan have developed and made use of Web 1.0, Web 2.0, and Web3 technologies.

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The escalating global concerns surrounding radicalization and violent extremism necessitate a comprehensive understanding and explanation. Identifying the risk factors associated with radicalism and violent extremism is critical to the development of risk assessment, prevention, and intervention strategies. It is imperative to distinguish these risks from civic responsibilities (i.e., activism) to safeguard individual rights. This study aims to examine the association between well-established risk factors for violence-personality disorder symptoms-and violent extremist attitudes, radicalism, and activism. Findings indicate that antisocial personality disorder symptoms were linked to violent extremist attitudes and radicalism, whereas obsessive-compulsive disorder symptoms were related to activism. This suggests that obsessive-compulsive personality disorder may signify a readiness for legal and nonviolent political action; in contrast, antisocial personality disorder symptoms signify a readiness for extremist violence and illegal political action.

We reconstruct the life path of the Argentine nurse and popular activist Irma Carrica, understood as a political-professional experience tied to her social networks and marked by conflicts and contradictions inherent to her historical context. From this analytical perspective and considering the precautions suggested by the biographical method of social sciences, we delve into the political and health debates of the 1960s and 1970s, particularly concerning disputes over the meaning of \"community\" in the health field. Specifically, we focus on the contributions of a collective historical actor - heterogeneous and plural, yet identifiable in its various forms - that we have termed the Peronist Left in health. By analyzing their professional and intellectual networks, we emphasize the role played by Irma Carrica as a representative of this Peronist Left in health, in constructing alternative dynamics for community health approaches, which challenged the dominant epistemological and pedagogical paradigms.
Reconstruimos la trayectoria de vida de la enfermera y militante popular argentina Irma Carrica, entendida como una experiencia político-profesional ligada a sus redes de sociabilidad y atravesada por conflictos y contradicciones inherentes a su contexto histórico. Desde ese recorte analítico y teniendo en cuenta los recaudos sugeridos por el método biográfico de las ciencias sociales, nos adentramos en los debates político-sanitarios de las décadas de 1960 y 1970, principalmente en lo relativo a las disputas por el sentido de la “comunidad” en el campo de la salud. En particular, nos enfocamos en las contribuciones de un actor histórico colectivo –heterogéneo y plural, pero identificable en sus distintas modulaciones– que hemos denominado izquierda peronista en salud. Al analizar sus redes profesionales e intelectuales, hicimos hincapié en el rol que desempeñó Irma Carrica como referente de esa izquierda peronista en salud, a la hora de construir dinámicas alternativas para el abordaje comunitario en salud, que pusieron en tela de juicio los paradigmas epistemológicos y pedagógicos dominantes.

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UNASSIGNED: This article deals with combat experiences and their consequences and could be potentially disturbing.
UNASSIGNED: Moral injury (MI) is a severe form of combat trauma that shatters soldiers\' moral bearings as the result of killing in war. Among the myriad ways that moral injury affects veterans\' reintegration into civilian life, its impact on political and societal reintegration remains largely unstudied but crucial for personal, community, and national health.
UNASSIGNED: 13 in-depth interviews examine combat soldiers\' exposure to potentially morally injurious events (PMIEs) that include killing enemy combatants, harming civilians, and betrayal by commanders, the military system, and society. Interviewees also described their political activities (e.g., voting, fundraising, advocacy, protest) and social activism (e.g., volunteering, teaching, charitable work). Interviewees also completed the Moral Injury Symptom Scale.
UNASSIGNED: Two distinct narratives process PMIEs. In a humanitarian narrative, soldiers hold themselves or their in-group morally responsible for perpetrating, witnessing, or failing to prevent a morally transgressive act such as killing or injuring civilians or placing others at unnecessary risk. In contrast, a national security perspective blames an out-group for leaving soldiers with no choice but to act in ways that trigger moral distress. Associated with shame and guilt, the humanitarian perspective triggered amends-making and social activism after discharge. In contrast, a national security perspective associated with anger and frustration fostered protest and intense political activism.
UNASSIGNED: Despite its harmful health effects, moral trauma and injury can drive intense political and social activism, depending upon the narrative veterans adopt to interpret PMIEs. Aside from moral injury\'s personal, familial, and social effects, moral injury drives veterans\' return to the political arena of civil society. As such, veterans play a central role in politics and dramatically affect post-war policy in democratic nations following conflict.

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The 1960s and 1970s saw the overt \"politicization\" of the American Psychological Association as an organization. Politics in this context carried a dual meaning referring to both political lobbying to promote the interests of psychology as a health profession and grassroots political action to advance social justice causes. In the years between the passage of the Community Mental Health Act (1963) and the Vail Conference on levels and patterns of professional training in psychology (1973), these two forms of politics were intertwined. The first significant political mobilization of professional psychologists in the postwar era occurred over the staffing of community mental health centers in the mid-1960s. These creations of the Great Society social welfare programs provided a platform for pursuing bold experiments in structural interventions to improve the lives and mental health of minoritized Americans and came to serve as hubs for the Black psychology movement of the early 1970s. This alternative model for the profession received careful consideration at the Vail Conference. However, a different relationship between politics and the profession crystalized by 1980. The politics of professionalism in psychology took the form lobby on behalf of practitioners working independent practices to receive reimbursement from third-party health insurance providers. This shift in the political economy of mental health has obscured this earlier, communitarian moment in American psychology. The racial economy of psychology\'s professionalization was structural, but not inevitable. It resulted from a series of historical choices. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2024 APA, all rights reserved).

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