Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) is increasingly promoted globally as an innovative approach to addressing the sanitation challenge in developing countries, especially in the rural areas where access to sanitation remains poor. However, a significant challenge in CLTS is poor management of faecal sludge when pits are full. In this regard, composting toilets offer a potentially viable and ecologically sound method for effective and efficient faecal sludge management, by providing fertilisers that act as soil conditioners, and ultimately contribute to clean environment, food security, good health, and poverty alleviation. Despite these advantages, there is limited knowledge on why and how composting toilets can be successfully integrated into CLTS initiatives. In this paper, we use the case of Ghana to demonstrate that integrating composting toilets into the CLTS approach is a feasible option for sustainable and environmentally friendly faecal sludge management in rural areas where agriculture is the predominant livelihood activity.

ABSTRACTGender equity is an important element of health promotion and is vital to ensuring that the benefits and burdens of participation in health promotion activities are fairly distributed. Yet, the gendered consequences of participatory interventions are often overlooked. This is particularly relevant for water and sanitation initiatives, given that women are generally responsible for maintaining domestic hygiene and procuring water. This study uses a qualitative approach to assess the gender dynamics of participation in community-led total sanitation (CLTS) activities in Mpwapwa District, Tanzania. We used semi-structured interviews and focus-group discussions to investigate men\'s and women\'s involvement in health promotion initiatives and their key motivators for and challenges to participation. We interviewed 77 community members from four villages and analysed the responses using qualitative content analysis. The study supports the notion that participation reinforces gender inequity and reproduces gendered norms due to activity-specific participation, women\'s passive participation within activities, and their limited opportunities for decision-making. However, there were also indications that participation provided a platform to increase the status of women, prioritise women\'s needs and demand a stronger position in decision making within the household and the community. CLTS organisers should, therefore, harness the opportunity to address gender inequalities within the community.

The Swachh Bharat Mission undertaken by the Government of India (GoI) has been successful in accomplishing this objective within a short period thereby catalyzing governance following Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It is the responsibility of any democratic nation to ensure that its citizens have universal access to adequate and equitable sanitation. The key approach adapted to igniting a change in sanitation behavior rather than constructing toilets. An effort has been made in the study to affirm that even the marginalized sections of the society residing in tribal communities of West Bengal and Chhattisgarh have benefitted from this Government of India Mission and derived the required benefits. There is enough literature available to support the justification that civil participation holds the key for successful implementation of CLTS thereby making the communities open defecation free (ODF). It is therefore imperative to understand the behavioral transformation that takes place during the CLTS implementation. A hybrid model has been proposed in the study making use of the theory of reasoned action (TRA) and theory of planned behavior (TPB) to understand the pre-adoption and post-adoption behavior of residents. In present study, used model was empirically tested for several hypotheses. The finding reflects towards subjective norms and facilitating conditions as major determinants that ensure the continuation of intention for CLTS. They play a pivotal role in improving the health and hygiene conditions in the region and thus decrease the risk of spread of epidemic diseases.

Open defecation (OD) is still a significant public health challenge worldwide. In Timor-Leste, where an estimated 20% of the population practiced OD in 2017, increasing access and use of improved sanitation facilities is a government priority. Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) has become a popular strategy to end OD since its inception in 2000, but evidence on the uptake of CLTS and related interventions and the long-term sustainability of OD-free (ODF) communities is limited. This study utilized a mixed-methods approach, encompassing quantitative monitoring and evaluation data from water, sanitation, and hygiene (WASH) agencies, and semi-structured interviews with staff working for these organizations and the government Department of Environmental Health, to examine sanitation interventions in Timor-Leste. Recommendations from WASH practitioners on how sanitation strategies can be optimized to ensure ODF sustainability are presented. Whilst uptake of interventions is generally good in Timor-Leste, lack of consistent monitoring and evaluation following intervention delivery may contribute to the observed slippage back to OD practices. Stakeholder views suggest that long-term support and monitoring after ODF certification are needed to sustain ODF communities.

We conducted cost effectiveness analyses of four different CLTS interventions implemented in Ethiopia and Ghana. In each country, a pilot approach in which additional local actors were trained in CLTS facilitation was compared to the conventional approach. Data were collected using bottom-up costing, household surveys, and observations. We assessed variability of cost effectiveness from a societal perspective for latrine ownership and latrine use outcomes in different contexts. Cost effectiveness ranged from $34-$1897 per household ($5.85-$563 per person) gaining access to a private latrine or stopping open defecation, depending on the intervention, context, and outcome considered. For three out of four interventions, CLTS appeared more cost effective at reducing open defecation than at increasing latrine ownership, although sensitivity analysis revealed considerable variation. The pilot approaches were more cost effective at reducing open defecation than conventional approaches in Ethiopia, but not in Ghana. CLTS has been promoted as a low-cost means of improving the ownership and use of sanitation facilities. In our study, the cost of CLTS per household gaining latrine access was slightly higher than in other studies, and the cost of CLTS per household stopping OD was slightly lower than in other studies. Our results show that aggregate measures mask considerable variability in costs and outcomes, and thus the importance of considering and reporting context and uncertainty in economic analysis of sanitation interventions.

Open defecation is connected to poor health and child mortality, but billions of people still do not have access to safe sanitation facilities. Community-Led Total Sanitation (CLTS) promotes latrine construction to eradicate open defecation. However, the mechanisms by which CLTS works and how they can be improved remain unknown. The present study is the first to investigate the psychosocial determinants of CLTS in a longitudinal design. Furthermore, we tested whether CLTS can be made more effective by theory- and evidence-based interventions using the risks, attitudes, norms, abilities, and selfregulation (RANAS) model.
A cluster-randomized controlled trial of 3216 households was implemented in rural Ghana. Communities were randomly assigned to classic CLTS, one of three RANAS-based interventions, or to the control arm. Prepost surveys at 6-month follow-up included standardized interviews assessing psychosocial determinants from the RANAS model. Regression analyses and multilevel mediation models were computed to test intervention effects and mechanisms of CLTS.
Latrine coverage increased pre-post by 67.6% in all intervention arms and by 7.9% in the control arm (p < .001). The combination with RANAS-based interventions showed non-significantly greater effects than CLTS alone. The effects of CLTS on latrine construction were significantly mediated by changes in four determinants: others\' behaviour and approval, self-efficacy, action planning and commitment. Changes in vulnerability, severity, and barrier planning were positively connected to latrine construction but not affected by CLTS.
This study corroborates the effectiveness of CLTS in increasing latrine coverage, and additional activities can be improved further. Behaviour change techniques within CLTS that strengthened the relevant factors should be maintained. The study also recommends interventions based on the RANAS approach to improve CLTS. Further research is needed to understand the effects of RANAS-based interventions combined with CLTS at longer follow-up.

Open defecation is still a major health problem in developing countries. While enormous empirical research exists on latrine coverage, little is known about households\' latrine construction and usage behaviours. Using field observation and survey data collected from 1523 households in 132 communities in northern Ghana after 16 months of implementation of Community Led Total Sanitation (CLTS), this paper assessed the factors associated with latrine completion and latrine use. The survey tool was structured to conform to the Risk, Attitude, Norms, Ability and Self-regulation (RANAS) model. In the analysis, we classified households into three based on their latrine completion level, and conducted descriptive statistics for statistical correlation in level of latrine construction and latrine use behaviour. The findings suggest that open defecation among households reduces as latrine construction approaches completion. Although the study did not find socio-demographic differences of household to be significantly associated with level of latrine completion, we found that social context is a significant determinant of households\' latrine completion decisions. The study therefore emphasises the need for continuous sensitisation and social marketing to ensure latrine completion by households at lower levels of construction, and the sustained use of latrines by households.

Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) is a widely used, community-based approach to tackle open defecation and its health-related problems. Although CLTS has been shown to be successful in previous studies, little is known about how CLTS works. We used a cross-sectional case study to identify personal, physical, and social context factors and psychosocial determinants from the Risks, Attitudes, Norms, Abilities, and Self-Regulation (RANAS) model of behavior change, which are crucial for latrine ownership and analyze how participation in CLTS is associated with those determinants.
Structured interviews were conducted with 640 households in 26 communities, where CLTS had been completed before and compared to 6 control communities, all located in northern Mozambique in 2015. To identify crucial factors for latrine ownership, logistic regression analysis were conducted and mediation analysis were used to analyse the relationship between CLTS participation and latrine ownership mediated by factors identified by the logistic regression analyses.
Mediation analysis reveal that the relationship of CLTS participation with probability of owning a latrine is mediated by social context factors and psychosocial determinants. Data analysis reveal that the probability of building a latrine depends on existing social context factors within the village, the behavior of others in the community, the (dis)approval of others of latrine ownership, personal self-confidence in latrine building, and a precise communication of the benefits of latrine ownership during a CLTS triggering event.
By including activities to focus on the mentioned factors, CLTS could be improved. Exemplary adaptations are discussed.

The perception of social sanitation norms (PSSNs) around unacceptability of open defecation has been a key aspect of recent sanitation interventions. However, underlying mechanisms through which \"reconstructed\" PSSNs affect sanitation outcomes have been a black box. This explorative cross-sectional study examines direct and indirect links between PSSNs and sanitation safety using data from structured interviews and observations in 368 households in rural South Ethiopia. In addition to a positive association between PSSNs and sanitation safety, we propose and examine the following two mechanisms: First, we confirm a potentially adverse feedback of PSSNs on future sanitation safety by enhancing the emotional satisfaction with current sanitation practice (satisfaction independent of the functionality of sanitation facilities). Second, inspired by the social amplification/attenuation of risk framework, we demonstrate that PSSNs work as a \"social filter\" that can amplify or attenuate the effects of other variables targeted in sanitation interventions such as perceived health-related and non-health risks and benefits associated with open defecation and private latrine ownership, respectively, and factual hygiene and sanitation knowledge. These findings imply that PSSNs are not only important per se, but they are also important instrumentally because sanitation outcomes depend upon the capacity of social influences to shape the perception of sanitation risks and benefits and sanitation-related awareness in desirable ways. The mechanisms outlined in this paper as well as the sustainability of sanitation outcomes depend on whether and how social sanitation norms are internalized.

Evidence on sanitation and hygiene program costs is used for many purposes. The few studies that report costs use top-down costing methods that are inaccurate and inappropriate. Community-led total sanitation (CLTS) is a participatory behavior-change approach that presents difficulties for cost analysis. We used implementation tracking and bottom-up, activity-based costing to assess the process, program costs, and local investments for four CLTS interventions in Ghana and Ethiopia. Data collection included implementation checklists, surveys, and financial records review. Financial costs and value-of-time spent on CLTS by different actors were assessed. Results are disaggregated by intervention, cost category, actor, geographic area, and project month. The average household size was 4.0 people in Ghana, and 5.8 people in Ethiopia. The program cost of CLTS was $30.34-$81.56 per household targeted in Ghana, and $14.15-$19.21 in Ethiopia. Most program costs were from training for three of four interventions. Local investments ranged from $7.93-$22.36 per household targeted in Ghana, and $2.35-$3.41 in Ethiopia. This is the first study to present comprehensive, disaggregated costs of a sanitation and hygiene behavior-change intervention. The findings can be used to inform policy and finance decisions, plan program scale-up, perform cost-effectiveness and benefit studies, and compare different interventions. The costing method is applicable to other public health behavior-change programs.