Fossil fuel companies hold enormous political, economic, and knowledge production power. Recently, industry operators have pivoted from pushing climate denialism to campaigns aimed at individualizing responsibility for climate crisis. In this paper, we focus on one related outcome of such efforts - people\'s experiences of complicity - here in the context of unconventional oil and gas (UOG) production. We ask: How do mobilized activists experience fossil fuel scapegoating, and what does it mean for their goals as they organize against UOG production? We show that even activists fighting UOG production feel complicit in fossil fuel production, and these feelings of complicity diminish their demands for UOG accountability. We argue that these outcomes have been especially pernicious in cultural contexts like that of the United States, where neoliberal ideologies are normalized, centering personal responsibility, individualization, and identification as consumers rather than citizens. We marshal an extensive qualitative dataset and advance a theory of complicity as a way to understand: a) how social movements intersect with neoliberalized patterns of life; b) how experiences of complicity affect activism; and c) how this may contribute to fossil fuel firms\' goals of undercutting organizing. We end by examining how a sub-set of activists works to dismantle this complicity narrative.

Background: In the twenty-first century, literatures from Central and Eastern Europe are marked by a boom of documentary fiction portraying complicity Nazi perpetration, Soviet terror, or other instances of 20th century mass violence and totalitarianism. Since understanding the past serves requirements of the present, the boom prompts the question: Why the interest in past complicities now? My hypothesis is that the texts address convergences between involvements in past acts of mass violence and current forms of participation in wrongdoings in neoliberalism. While these issues differ profoundly, they are related: structurally, both present the challenge of forming a nuanced notion of participation. Historically, they are related since justifications of past involvements have established the terminology, narratives, and heuristics in which terror, repression, and mass violence are subsequently discussed, thus forming the frame for negotiating current problematic involvements. Method: Critical discourse analysis is used to scrutinize the legal concept of complicity and combined it with close readings of passages from four literary texts to outline how attention to reciprocity in language can enhance our understanding of problematic involvement. Results: Literary portrayals of historical complicity are ambivalent; they can help to find models for comprehending issues of the present in cultural memory, but they can also serve to establish distance between present and past to appease the sense that all is not quite well, even after the demise of Nazi and Soviet terror. The article outlines two modes of distancing: a) spacio-temporal distancing of the commemorating point of view in \'the West\' from the portrayed violence in \'the East\', and b) moral distancing that casts the audience as superior to complicit characters. Conclusion: By pressing for analytic or consoling distance, both strategies of distancing amount to a complicity with the transmission of discourses that justify, excuse, or deny mass violence and totalitarian terror.

Pancreatic ductal adenocarcinomas are distinguished by their robust desmoplasia, or fibroinflammatory response. Dominated by non-malignant cells, the mutated epithelium must therefore combat, cooperate with or co-opt the surrounding cells and signalling processes in its microenvironment. It is proposed that an invasive pancreatic ductal adenocarcinoma represents the coordinated evolution of malignant and non-malignant cells and mechanisms that subvert and repurpose normal tissue composition, architecture and physiology to foster tumorigenesis. The complex kinetics and stepwise development of pancreatic cancer suggests that it is governed by a discrete set of organizing rules and principles, and repeated attempts to target specific components within the microenvironment reveal self-regulating mechanisms of resistance. The histopathological and genetic progression models of the transforming ductal epithelium must therefore be considered together with a programme of stromal progression to create a comprehensive picture of pancreatic cancer evolution. Understanding the underlying organizational logic of the tumour to anticipate and pre-empt the almost inevitable compensatory mechanisms will be essential to eradicate the disease.

Are corporations ever morally obligated to engage in counterspeech-that is, in speech that aims to counter hate speech and misinformation? While existing arguments in moral and political philosophy show that individuals and states have such obligations, it is an open question whether those arguments apply to corporations as well. In this essay, I show how two such arguments-one based on avoiding complicity, and one based on duties of rescue-can plausibly be extended to corporations. I also respond to several objections to corporate counterspeech.

This article explores the use of mens rea terms in the criminal general part. We contend the current law fails properly to conceptualise mens rea for a large category of offences, namely bespoke/substantive inchoate offences, attempt, conspiracy, assisting and encouraging, and the general offence of complicity. These offences involve two conduct events: one in the present and one in future. However, current mens rea terms are defined as if applied to the more conventional category of criminal offence which only involves present conduct-a practice which we term the \'present-fault paradigm\'. We explore the limits of current mens rea terms, defined for present-conduct targets (circumstances and results), when applied to future-conduct ulterior targets within inchoate and complicity offences. We contend that current mens rea definitions and analysis within the general part are inappropriate for targeting elements related to future conduct/offending, and we suggest more appropriate bases for conceptualising such mens rea.

Genome editing in livestock could potentially be used in ways that help resolve some of the most urgent and serious global problems pertaining to livestock, including animal suffering, pollution, antimicrobial resistance, and the spread of infectious disease. But despite this potential, some may object to pursuing it, not because genome editing is wrong in and of itself, but because it is the wrong kind of solution to the problems it addresses: it is merely a \'technological fix\' to a complex societal problem. Yet though this objection might have wide intuitive appeal, it is often not clear what, exactly, the moral problem is supposed to be. The aim of this paper is to formulate and shed some light on the \'technological fix objection\' to genome editing in livestock. I suggest that three concerns may underlie it, make implicit assumptions underlying the concerns explicit, and cast some doubt on several of these assumptions, at least as they apply to the use of genome editing to produce pigs resistant to the Porcine Reproductive and Respiratory Syndrome and hornless dairy cattle. I then suggest that the third, and most important, concern could be framed as a concern about complicity in factory farming. I suggest ways to evaluate this concern, and to reduce or offset any complicity in factory farming. Thinking of genome editing\'s contribution to factory farming in terms of complicity, may, I suggest, tie it more explicitly and strongly to the wider obligations that come with pursuing it, including the cessation of factory farming, thereby addressing the concern that technological fixes focus only on a narrow problem.

OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to explore adolescents\' experiences with participation in a sexual health education programme named «Week 6», from a health-promotion perspective.
METHODS: Six focus group interviews were conducted with adolescents aged 15-16 in Norway. Qualitative content analysis was used to analyse the data material.
RESULTS: The results can be summed up by the main theme: \"We like «Week 6» but … we expected more about sex in the sex week\". The main theme consisted of two main analysis-derived themes: \"The students want a topical sexual health education, with realistic and relevant learning subjects and exercises\", and \"The students want to contribute to the content and implementation, in order to improve the learning outcomes of «Week 6»\". Further, four categories were identified: organization and content, positive experiences, the potential for improvement, and learning outcome. «Week 6» is desirable, but students expect to learn more. Teaching should have a positive approach, and adolescents do not want their educators to get embarrassed.
CONCLUSIONS: Although the teaching methods with active participation are enjoyable, it is necessary with more time for discussions and questions. Student participation in planning and implementation of the programme seems crucial for promoting salutogenic teaching processes.

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This paper presents a case study of one mother\'s experience of engaging with her children\'s schools after leaving a long-term relationship characterised by years of family violence perpetrated by the children\'s father. We interviewed Bernadette as part of an ongoing study of parents\' experiences of school engagement during family separation and divorce. Her family circumstances and the role the children\'s schools played in that story merit consideration by educators, school leaders and education policy makers. Informed by theories of everyday cultural practices and sociological studies of gendered power relations in education, we argue that gender politics and organisational strategies for keeping parents \'in their place\' can significantly contribute to systemic failures and school cultures that reinscribe the effects of family violence.

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