There has been much debate on whether color categories affect how we perceive color. Recent theories have put emphasis on the role of top-down influence on color perception that the original continuous color space in the visual cortex may be transformed into categorical encoding due to top-down modulation. To test the influence of color categories on color perception, we adopted an RSVP paradigm, where color stimuli were presented at a fast speed of 100 ms per stimulus and were forward and backward masked by the preceding and following stimuli. Moreover, no explicit color naming or categorization was required. In theory, backward masking with such a short interval in a passive viewing task should constrain top-down influence from higher-level brain areas. To measure any potentially subtle differences in brain response elicited by different color categories, we embedded a sensitive frequency-tagging-based EEG paradigm within the RSVP stimuli stream where the oddball color stimuli were encoded with a different frequency from the base color stimuli. We showed that EEG responses to cross-category oddball colors at the frequency where the oddball stimuli were presented was significantly larger than the responses to within-category oddball colors. Our study suggested that the visual cortex can automatically and implicitly encode color categories when color stimuli are presented rapidly.

Speech comprehension requires listeners to rapidly parse continuous speech into hierarchically-organized linguistic structures (i.e. syllable, word, phrase, and sentence) and entrain the neural activities to the rhythm of different linguistic levels. Aging is accompanied by changes in speech processing, but it remains unclear how aging affects different levels of linguistic representation. Here, we recorded magnetoencephalography signals in older and younger groups when subjects actively and passively listened to the continuous speech in which hierarchical linguistic structures of word, phrase, and sentence were tagged at 4, 2, and 1 Hz, respectively. A newly-developed parameterization algorithm was applied to separate the periodically linguistic tracking from the aperiodic component. We found enhanced lower-level (word-level) tracking, reduced higher-level (phrasal- and sentential-level) tracking, and reduced aperiodic offset in older compared with younger adults. Furthermore, we observed the attentional modulation on the sentential-level tracking being larger for younger than for older ones. Notably, the neuro-behavior analyses showed that subjects\' behavioral accuracy was positively correlated with the higher-level linguistic tracking, reversely correlated with the lower-level linguistic tracking. Overall, these results suggest that the enhanced lower-level linguistic tracking, reduced higher-level linguistic tracking and less flexibility of attentional modulation may underpin aging-related decline in speech comprehension.

Native speakers excel at parsing continuous speech into smaller elements and entraining their neural activities to the linguistic hierarchy at different levels (e.g., syllables, phrases, and sentences) to achieve speech comprehension. However, how a nonnative brain tracks hierarchical linguistic structures in second language (L2) speech comprehension and whether it relates to top-down attention and language proficiency remains elusive. Here, we applied a frequency-tagging paradigm in human adults and investigated the neural tracking responses to hierarchically organized linguistic structures (i.e., the syllabic rate of 4 Hz, the phrasal rate of 2 Hz, and the sentential rate of 1 Hz) in both first language (L1) and L2 listeners when they attended to a speech stream or ignored it. We revealed disrupted neural responses to higher-order linguistic structures (i.e., phrases and sentences) for L2 listeners in which the phrasal-level tracking was functionally related to an L2 subject\'s language proficiency. We also observed less efficient top-down modulation of attention in L2 speech comprehension than in L1 speech comprehension. Our results indicate that the reduced δ-band neuronal oscillations that subserve the internal construction of higher-order linguistic structures may compromise listening comprehension in a nonnative language.

Spatial hearing in humans is a high-level auditory process that is crucial to rapid sound localization in the environment. Both neurophysiological models with animals and neuroimaging evidence from human subjects in the wakefulness stage suggest that the localization of auditory objects is mainly located in the posterior auditory cortex. However, whether this cognitive process is preserved during sleep remains unclear. To fill this research gap, we investigated the sleeping brain\'s capacity to identify sound locations by recording simultaneous electroencephalographic (EEG) and magnetoencephalographic (MEG) signals during wakefulness and non-rapid eye movement (NREM) sleep in human subjects. Using the frequency-tagging paradigm, the subjects were presented with a basic syllable sequence at 5 Hz and a location change that occurred every three syllables, resulting in a sound localization shift at 1.67 Hz. The EEG and MEG signals were used for sleep scoring and neural tracking analyses, respectively. Neural tracking responses at 5 Hz reflecting basic auditory processing were observed during both wakefulness and NREM sleep, although the responses during sleep were weaker than those during wakefulness. Cortical responses at 1.67 Hz, which correspond to the sound location change, were observed during wakefulness regardless of attention to the stimuli but vanished during NREM sleep. These results for the first time indicate that sleep preserves basic auditory processing but disrupts the higher-order brain function of sound localization.

Speech mental imagery is a quasi-perceptual experience that occurs in the absence of real speech stimulation. How imagined speech with higher-order structures such as words, phrases and sentences is rapidly organized and internally constructed remains elusive. To address this issue, subjects were tasked with imagining and perceiving poems along with a sequence of reference sounds with a presentation rate of 4 Hz while magnetoencephalography (MEG) recording was conducted. Giving that a sentence in a traditional Chinese poem is five syllables, a sentential rhythm was generated at a distinctive frequency of 0.8 Hz. Using the frequency tagging we concurrently tracked the neural processing timescale to the top-down generation of rhythmic constructs embedded in speech mental imagery and the bottom-up sensory-driven activity that were precisely tagged at the sentence-level rate of 0.8 Hz and a stimulus-level rate of 4 Hz, respectively. We found similar neural responses induced by the internal construction of sentences from syllables with both imagined and perceived poems and further revealed shared and distinct cohorts of cortical areas corresponding to the sentence-level rhythm in imagery and perception. This study supports the view of a common mechanism between imagery and perception by illustrating the neural representations of higher-order rhythmic structures embedded in imagined and perceived speech.

Speech contains rich acoustic and linguistic information. Using highly controlled speech materials, previous studies have demonstrated that cortical activity is synchronous to the rhythms of perceived linguistic units, for example, words and phrases, on top of basic acoustic features, for example, the speech envelope. When listening to natural speech, it remains unclear, however, how cortical activity jointly encodes acoustic and linguistic information. Here we investigate the neural encoding of words using electroencephalography and observe neural activity synchronous to multi-syllabic words when participants naturally listen to narratives. An amplitude modulation (AM) cue for word rhythm enhances the word-level response, but the effect is only observed during passive listening. Furthermore, words and the AM cue are encoded by spatially separable neural responses that are differentially modulated by attention. These results suggest that bottom-up acoustic cues and top-down linguistic knowledge separately contribute to cortical encoding of linguistic units in spoken narratives.

Many sensorimotor functions are intrinsically rhythmic, and are underlined by neural processes that are functionally distinct from neural responses related to the processing of transient events. EEG frequency tagging is a technique that is increasingly used in neuroscience to study these processes. It relies on the fact that perceiving and/or producing rhythms generates periodic neural activity that translates into periodic variations of the EEG signal. In the EEG spectrum, those variations appear as peaks localized at the frequency of the rhythm and its harmonics.
Many natural rhythms, such as music or dance, are not strictly periodic and, instead, show fluctuations of their period over time. Here, we introduce a time-warping method to identify non-strictly-periodic EEG activities in the frequency domain.
EEG time-warping can be used to characterize the sensorimotor activity related to the performance of self-paced rhythmic finger movements. Furthermore, the EEG time-warping method can disentangle auditory- and movement-related EEG activity produced when participants perform rhythmic movements synchronized to an acoustic rhythm. This is possible because the movement-related activity has different period fluctuations than the auditory-related activity.
With the classic frequency-tagging approach, rhythm fluctuations result in a spreading of the peaks to neighboring frequencies, to the point that they cannot be distinguished from background noise.
The proposed time-warping procedure is as a simple and effective mean to study natural non-strictly-periodic rhythmic neural processes such as rhythmic movement production, acoustic rhythm perception and sensorimotor synchronization.