Economic and social transformation of China during the past 40 years is without precedent in human history. While the economic transformation was extensively studied, social transformation was not. In this paper, we use for the first time harmonized household surveys covering the period 1988-2013 to study the changes in the characteristics of the richest 5 percent of China\'s urban population. We find that it changed from being composed of high government officials, clerical staff, and workers in 1988 to professionals and small and large business owners in 2013. The educational level of the top group increased substantially. Membership in CCP has a positive (albeit small) effect on one\'s income but is particularly valuable to large business owners.

BACKGROUND: The last two decades have seen a growing trend towards the research of voting behavior in post-communist countries. Urban sociology theorists state that not only space structures influence political participation, but also space structures are changing under the influence of global, local, and individual factors. The growing role played by information in the globalised world has accelerated the paradigm shift in urban sociology: from central place model (based on urban-rural distinction and on monocentric metropolitan areas) to network society (based on space of flows and polycentric metropolitan areas). However, recent studies have mainly focused on countries with solid democracies, rather than on former communist countries. The present study aims to analyze the extent to which a new emerging spatial structure can be envisaged within a metropolitan area of Romania and its consequences for the political dimensions of social capital.
METHODS: The Transilvania University Ethics Commission approved this study (S1 Aprouval). The research is based upon individual and aggregate empirical data, collected from the areas adjacent to the core city in Brașov metropolitan area. Individual data has been collected during October 2012, using the oral survey technique (S1 Survey), based on a standardized questionnaire (stratified simple random sample, N = 600). The National Institute of Statistics and the Electoral Register provided the aggregate data per locality. Unvaried and multivariate analyses (hierarchical regression method) were conducted based on these data.
RESULTS: Some dimensions of urbanism, identified as predictors of the political dimensions of social capital, suggest that the area under analysis has a predominantly monocentric character, where the rural-urban distinction continues to remain relevant. There are also arguments favoring the dissolution of the rural-urban distinction and the emergence of polycentric spatial structures. The presence of some influences related to the information consumption on all six indicators of the political dimensions of social capital under analysis suggests the occurrence of emerging forms of a space of flows. The identified effects of social problems associated with transport infrastructure and of migration experience on the political dimensions of social capital, also support the emergence of space of flows.
CONCLUSIONS: We recommend that, in the urban studies in former communist countries, conceptualization of urbanism as predictor of the political dimensions of social capital should consider both the material dimensions of space, as well as the dimensions of information consumption and migration experience.

Cognitive Science, in all its guises, has not yet accorded any fundamental importance to the social dimension of human cognition. In order to illustrate the possibilities that have not so far been developed, this article seeks to pursue the idea, first put forward by Durkheim, that the major categories which render conceptual thought possible may actually have a social origin. Durkheim illustrated his thesis, convincingly enough, by examining the societies of Australian aborigines. The aim here is to extend this idea to cover the case of the conceptual categories underpinning modern Western science, as they developed historically first in Ancient Greece, and then at the Renaissance. These major non-empirical concepts include those of abstract Space (Euclidean space, perfectly homogeneous in all its dimensions); abstract Time (conceived as spatially linearized, with the possibility of imaginatively going back and forth); and a number of canonical logical categories (equality, abstract quantity, essential versus accidental properties, the continuous and the discontinuous, the transcendental…). Sohn-Rethel (1978) has proposed that the heart of the conceptual categories in question is to be found in an analysis of the exchange abstraction. This hypothesis will be fleshed out by examining the co-emergence of new social structures and new forms of conceptual thought in the course of historical evolution. This includes the Renaissance, which saw the emergence of both Capitalism and Modern Science; and on the contemporary situation, where the form of social life is dominated by financial speculation which goes together with the advent of automation in the processes of production. It is concluded that Cognitive Science, and in particular the nascent paradigm of Enaction, would do well to broaden its transdisciplinary scope to include the dimensions of sociology and anthropology.

This article examines the interplay between local culture, the state, and economic actors\' agency in producing variation across markets. I adopt a political-cultural approach to examining why life insurance has been far more popular in Taiwan than Hong Kong, despite the presence of a cultural taboo on the topic of premature death in both societies. Based on interview data and documentary references, the findings reveal that as an independent state, the Taiwanese government heavily protected domestic insurance firms during their emergence. These domestic firms adopted a market-share approach by re-defining the concept of life insurance to accommodate the local cultural taboo. The colonial Hong Kong government, on the other hand, adopted laissez-faire policies that essentially favoured foreign insurance firms. When faced with the tension between local adaptation and the profitability of the business, these foreign firms chose the latter. Their reluctance to accommodate local cultures, however, resulted in a smaller market. I argue that state actions mediate who the dominant economic players are and that the nature of the dominant players affects the extent of localization. Specifically, the presence of competitive domestic players alongside transnational corporations is more likely to produce varieties of capitalism.

OBJECTIVE: To examine the effects of Neo-Marxian social class (i.e. measured as relations of control over productive assets) and potential mediators such as labour-market position, work organization, material deprivation and health behaviours upon mortality in Barcelona, Spain.
METHODS: Longitudinal data from the Barcelona 2000 Health Interview Survey (n = 7526) with follow-up interviews through the municipal census in 2008 (95.97% response rate) were used. Using data on relations of property, organizational power, and education, social classes were grouped according to Wright\'s scheme: capitalists, petit bourgeoisie, managers, supervisors, and skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled workers.
RESULTS: Social class, measured as relations of control over productive assets, is an important predictor of mortality among working-class positions for men but not for women. Workers (hazard ratio 1.60, 95% confidence interval 1.10-2.35), managers and small employers had a higher risk of death than capitalists.
CONCLUSIONS: The extensive use of conventional gradient measures of social stratification has neglected sociological measurements of social class conceptualized as relations of control over productive assets. This concept is capable of explaining how social inequalities are generated. To confirm the protective effect of the capitalist class position and the \'\'contradictory class location hypothesis\'\', additional efforts are needed to properly measure class among low-level supervisors, capitalists, managers, and small employers.

Major economic transitions typically entail changes in the availability of and purchasing power for different types of foods leading to long-term changes in the composition of the diet. Bulgaria, a former Eastern Bloc country, underwent a difficult and protracted transition from a centralized to market economy with acute economic crises and a much slower recovery of income levels than in Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary. Using annual data from the Bulgarian National Household Survey, we study changes in the reported consumption of major foods (excluding alcoholic drinks) and their constituent macronutrients from 1985 to 2002, examining also the differences in dietary patterns between the period prior to and following the transition. The consumption of most major food items decreased, resulting in a fall in per capita energy consumption of 429 kcal/day (1.80 MJ/d), following the economic transition of 1991. As expected, the consumption of foods that were more expensive per unit of energy decreased greater than cheaper foods, -34% for animal products and -19% for visible fats, but only -10% for carbohydrates. These changes are related to the changes in income and market prices as well as the general negative trend in economic growth and hyperinflation in the mid-1990s. Thus, Bulgaria experienced a decrease in food consumption without significant changes in the dietary pattern following the economic transition of 1991. The fact that part of this decline may be attributed to continued economic challenges suggests that future transitions in the diet may be expected as economic development proceeds.

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On the basis of Marx and Engels\' prediction and thesis of scientific socialism, socialist China, the most populous nation in the world, is the 1st to have realized the planned management of population reproductive in the history of mankind, thus giving an answer to the problem in practice. This paper makes a tentative exploration of such a necessity in socialist family planning. Engels points out that 1) under private ownership, population reproduction takes class antagonism as the basis, while public ownership of the means of production eradicates it; 2) in capitalist society, the reproduction of the labor force is commodity reproduction--public ownership of the means of production can be divorced from the domain of commodity; and 3) under private ownership, population reproduction is purely the private business of an individual or a family whose economic benefit forms the motive force of population reproduction--public ownership liberates it from one\'s personal gains making it a public affair. The great significance of family planning to economic development can be recognized as production, consumption, and accumulation. Taking family planning as the basis for the reproduction plan of the labor force is the guarantee of realizing the material production plan. Family planning reflects the trend of the structure and change of consumer requirements and provides the direct and indirect objectives of various items of material production planning; it provides the objective basis for social accumulation and the arrangement of expanding reproduction. 3 conclusions are derived: 1) the building up of the public ownership of the means of production affords man the possibility to regulate the production of matter as well as man, 2) the characteristics of the planned development of a socialist national economy demands the planned production of man, and 3) family planning and the development of a socialist economy demand their mutual congruence.