Recent research shows that emotional facial expressions impact behavioral responses only when their valence is relevant to the task. Under such conditions, threatening faces delay attentional disengagement, resulting in slower reaction times and increased omission errors compared to happy faces. To investigate the neural underpinnings of this phenomenon, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging to record the brain activity of 23 healthy participants while they completed two versions of the go/no-go task. In the emotion task (ET), participants responded to emotional expressions (fearful or happy faces) and refrained from responding to neutral faces. In the gender task (GT), the same images were displayed, but participants had to respond based on the posers\' gender. Our results confirmed previous behavioral findings and revealed a network of brain regions (including the angular gyrus, the ventral precuneus, the left posterior cingulate cortex, the right anterior superior frontal gyrus, and two face-responsive regions) displaying distinct activation patterns for the same facial emotional expressions in the ET compared to the GT. We propose that this network integrates internal representations of task rules with sensory characteristics of facial expressions to evaluate emotional stimuli and exert top-down control, guiding goal-directed actions according to the context.

UNASSIGNED: The widespread use of surgical masks during the COVID-19 pandemic has posed challenges in interpreting facial emotions. As the mouth is known to play a crucial role in decoding emotional expressions, its covering is likely to affect this process. Recent evidence suggests that facial expressions impact behavioral responses only when their emotional content is relevant to subjects\' goals. Thus, this study investigates whether and how masked emotional faces alter such a phenomenon.
UNASSIGNED: Forty participants completed two reaching versions of the Go/No-go task in a counterbalanced fashion. In the Emotional Discrimination Task (EDT), participants were required to respond to angry, fearful, or happy expressions by performing a reaching movement and withholding it when a neutral face was presented. In the Gender Discrimination Task (GDT), the same images were shown, but participants had to respond according to the poser\'s gender. The face stimuli were presented in two conditions: covered by a surgical mask (masked) or without any covering (unmasked).
UNASSIGNED: Consistent with previous studies, valence influenced behavioral control in the EDT but not in the GDT. Nevertheless, responses to facial emotions in the EDT exhibited significant differences between unmasked and masked conditions. In the former, angry expressions led to a slowdown in participants\' responses. Conversely, in the masked condition, behavioral reactions were impacted by fearful and, to a greater extent, by happy expressions. Responses to fearful faces were slower, and those to happy faces exhibited increased variability in the masked condition compared to the unmasked condition. Furthermore, response accuracy to masked happy faces dramatically declined compared to the unmasked condition and other masked emotions.
UNASSIGNED: In sum, our findings indicate that surgical masks disrupt reactions to emotional expressions, leading people to react less accurately and with heightened variability to happy expressions, provided that the emotional dimension is relevant to people\'s goals.

A classical theoretical frame to interpret motor reactions to emotional stimuli is that such stimuli, particularly those threat-related, are processed preferentially, i.e., they are capable of capturing and grabbing attention automatically. Research has recently challenged this view, showing that the task relevance of emotional stimuli is crucial to having a reliable behavioral effect. Such evidence indicated that emotional facial expressions do not automatically influence motor responses in healthy young adults, but they do so only when intrinsically pertinent to the ongoing subject\'s goals. Given the theoretical relevance of these findings, it is essential to assess their generalizability to different, socially relevant emotional stimuli such as emotional body postures. To address this issue, we compared the performance of 36 right-handed participants in two different versions of a Go/No-go task. In the Emotional Discrimination task, participants were required to withhold their responses at the display of emotional body postures (fearful or happy) and to move at the presentation of neutral postures. Differently, in the control task, the same images were shown, but participants had to respond according to the color of the actor/actress\' t-shirt, disregarding the emotional content. Results showed that participants made more commission errors (instances in which they moved even though the No-go signal was presented) for happy than fearful body postures in the Emotional Discrimination task. However, this difference disappeared in the control task. Such evidence indicates that, like facial emotion, emotional body expressions do not influence motor control automatically, but only when they are task-relevant.

Our perception of sensory events can be altered by action, but less is known about how our perception can be altered by action observation. For example, our ability to detect tactile stimuli is reduced when our limb is moving, and task-relevance and movement speed can alter such tactile detectability. During action observation, however, the relationship between tactile processing and such modulating factors is not known. Thus, the current study sought to explore tactile processing at a task-relevant location during the observation of reaching and grasping movements performed at different speeds. Specifically, participants observed videos of an anonymous model performing movements at a slow [i.e., peak velocity (PV): 155 mm/s], medium (i.e., PV: 547 mm/s), or fast speed (i.e., PV: 955 mm/s). To assess tactile processing, weak electrical stimuli of different amplitudes were presented to participants\' right thumbs when the observed model was at their starting position and prior to any movement, or when the observed model\'s limb reached its PV. When observing slow movements, normalized perceptual thresholds were significantly lower/better than for the premovement stimulation time. These data suggest that the movement speed can modulate tactile processing, even when observing a movement. Furthermore, these findings provide seminal evidence for tactile facilitation at a task-relevant location during the observation of slow reaching and grasping movements (i.e., speeds associated with tactile exploration).NEW & NOTEWORTHY Previous work has highlighted the relationship between touch processing and movement speed during action, but the current study sought to understand this relationship during action observation of reaching and grasping movements. Here, we provide seminal evidence that tactile perceptual thresholds at the thumb are reduced compared with rest when observing the slowest movement speeds. Thus, tactile processing was facilitated at a task-relevant location during the observation of movements with speeds associated with tactile exploration.

Damage to regions underpinning attention can result in hemi-spatial neglect, characterised by inattention to stimuli presented in contralesional space. Motivationally salient stimuli (e.g. reward/threat) are, however, resilient to neglect and more likely to be detected compared to neutral stimuli. Prominent theories of attention suggest that the motivational detection advantage in neglect is underpinned by a goal-independent \'emotional attention\' system. However, measures of stimulus awareness previously used often present the stimuli as part of the goal-relevant target set. Previous findings may therefore be more consistent with top-down attentional selection, which is preserved in some cases of neglect. Using multilevel and Bayesian meta-analytic approaches to individual case and group data, the evidence for a motivational detection advantage in neglect, and conditions when it emerges, were examined and conceptual claims reviewed. Cumulative evidence suggested that in perceptually simple conditions, when a single stimulus appeared, there was no evidence of a motivational detection advantage (Individual: k = 36; log OR = .02, 95%CI [-.44,.47]; Group: k = 2, dz = .24, 95%CI [-.26, .74]). Conversely, under more perceptually demanding conditions, with multiple goal-relevant stimuli, motivationally salient stimuli were detected more than neutral stimuli in the contralesion side of space (Individual: k = 37, log OR = 1.04, 95%CI [.74, 1.34]; Group: k = 7, dz = .81, 95%CI [.27, 1.35]). Across investigations the detection advantage occurred when the motivationally salient stimulus was a target, and under perceptually demanding conditions when goal-irrelevant motivationally salient stimuli are usually suppressed. The current evidence therefore does not strongly support a goal-independent mechanism, and a top-down account remains plausible. This account can be contextualised within existing models of neglect, whereby perceptual load induces suppression of contralesional space when ipsilesional space is prioritised. Target stimuli may, however, still be detected under reduced perceptual capacity due to their goal-relevance, which may be selectively enhanced by motivational salience.

Predictable somatosensory feedback leads to a reduction in tactile sensitivity. This phenomenon, called tactile suppression, relies on a mechanism that uses an efference copy of motor commands to help select relevant aspects of incoming sensory signals. We investigated whether tactile suppression is modulated by (a) the task-relevancy of the predicted consequences of movement and (b) the intensity of related somatosensory feedback signals. Participants reached to a target region in the air in front of a screen; visual or tactile feedback indicated the reach was successful. Furthermore, tactile feedback intensity (strong vs. weak) varied across two groups of participants. We measured tactile suppression by comparing detection thresholds for a probing vibration applied to the finger either early or late during reach and at rest. As expected, we found an overall decrease in late-reach suppression, as no touch was involved at the end of the reach. We observed an increase in the degree of tactile suppression when strong tactile feedback was given at the end of the reach, compared to when weak tactile feedback or visual feedback was given. Our results suggest that the extent of tactile suppression can be adapted to different demands of somatosensory processing. Downregulation of this mechanism is invoked only when the consequences of missing a weak movement sequence are severe for the task. The decisive factor for the presence of tactile suppression seems not to be the predicted action effect as such, but the need to detect and process anticipated feedback signals occurring during movement.

People\'s attention is well attracted to a stimulus matching their memory. For example, when people are required to remember the color of a visual object, stimuli matching the memory color powerfully capture attention. Remarkably, stimuli with the shape of the memory object, that is, irrelevant-matching stimuli were also found to capture attention. Here, we examined how task relevance affects the temporal dynamics and the strength of memory-driven attention. In the experiment, participants performed a visual search task while maintaining the color or shape of a colored shape. When participants were required to memorize the color of the memory sample, the shape of the sample stimulus is task-irrelevant feature and vice versa. Importantly, while a search item matching working memory in the task-relevant dimension was presented for one group of participants, an irrelevant-matching search item appeared for the other group of participants. Further, we varied stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA) between the memory sample and search items. We found that relevant-matching stimuli captured attention regardless of whether the SOA was short or long. However, attentional capture by irrelevant-matching stimuli depended on the SOA; no memory-driven capture was observed at the shortest SOA, but significant capture was found at longer SOAs. Further, the capture effects by relevant-matching stimuli were greater than that of irrelevant-matching stimuli. These findings suggest both task-relevant and -irrelevant features in working memory affect the attentional selection in visual search task, but its temporal dynamics and strength are modulated by the task-relevance.

Until today, there is an ongoing discussion if attention processes interact with the information processing stream already at the level of the C1, the earliest visual electrophysiological response of the cortex. We used two highly powered experiments (each N = 52) and examined the effects of task relevance, spatial attention, and attentional load on individual C1 amplitudes for the upper or lower visual hemifield. Bayesian models revealed evidence for the absence of load effects but substantial modulations by task-relevance and spatial attention. When the C1-eliciting stimulus was a task-irrelevant, interfering distracter, we observed increased C1 amplitudes for spatially unattended stimuli. For spatially attended stimuli, different effects of task-relevance for the two experiments were found. Follow-up exploratory single-trial analyses revealed that subtle but systematic deviations from the eye-gaze position at stimulus onset between conditions substantially influenced the effects of attention and task relevance on C1 amplitudes, especially for the upper visual field. For the subsequent P1 component, attentional modulations were clearly expressed and remained unaffected by these deviations. Collectively, these results suggest that spatial attention, unlike load or task relevance, can exert dissociable top-down modulatory effects at the C1 and P1 levels.

Conflict detection in sensory input is central to adaptive human behavior. Perhaps unsurprisingly, past research has shown that conflict may even be detected in the absence of conflict awareness, suggesting that conflict detection is an automatic process that does not require attention. To test the possibility of conflict processing in the absence of attention, we manipulated task relevance and response overlap of potentially conflicting stimulus features across six behavioral tasks. Multivariate analyses on human electroencephalographic data revealed neural signatures of conflict only when at least one feature of a conflicting stimulus was attended, regardless of whether that feature was part of the conflict, or overlaps with the response. In contrast, neural signatures of basic sensory processes were present even when a stimulus was completely unattended. These data reveal an attentional bottleneck at the level of objects, suggesting that object-based attention is a prerequisite for cognitive control operations involved in conflict detection.
Focusing your attention on one thing can leave you surprisingly unaware of what goes on around you. A classic experiment known as ‘the invisible gorilla’ highlights this phenomenon. Volunteers were asked to watch a clip featuring basketball players, and count how often those wearing white shirts passed the ball: around half of participants failed to spot that someone wearing a gorilla costume wandered into the game and spent nine seconds on screen. Yet, things that you are not focusing on can sometimes grab your attention anyway. Take for example, the ‘cocktail party effect’, the ability to hear your name among the murmur of a crowded room. So why can we react to our own names, but fail to spot the gorilla? To help answer this question, Nuiten et al. examined how paying attention affects the way the brain processes input. Healthy volunteers were asked to perform various tasks while the words ‘left’ or ‘right’ played through speakers. The content of the word was sometimes consistent with its location (‘left’ being played on the left speaker), and sometimes opposite (‘left’ being played on the right speaker). Processing either the content or the location of the word is relatively simple for the brain; however detecting a discrepancy between these two properties is challenging, requiring the information to be processed in a brain region that monitors conflict in sensory input. To manipulate whether the volunteers needed to pay attention to the words, Nuiten et al. made their content or location either relevant or irrelevant for a task. By analyzing brain activity and task performance, they were able to study the effects of attention on how the word properties were processed. The results showed that the volunteers’ brains were capable of dealing with basic information, such as location or content, even when their attention was directed elsewhere. But discrepancies between content and location could only be detected when the volunteers were focusing on the words, or when their content or location was directly relevant to the task. The findings by Nuiten et al. suggest that while performing a difficult task, our brains continue to react to basic input but often fail to process more complex information. This, in turn, has implications for a range of human activities such as driving. New technology could potentially help to counteract this phenomenon, aiming to direct attention towards complex information that might otherwise be missed.

Forensic pathologists\' decisions are critical in police investigations and court proceedings as they determine whether an unnatural death of a young child was an accident or homicide. Does cognitive bias affect forensic pathologists\' decision-making? To address this question, we examined all death certificates issued during a 10-year period in the State of Nevada in the United States for children under the age of six. We also conducted an experiment with 133 forensic pathologists in which we tested whether knowledge of irrelevant non-medical information that should have no bearing on forensic pathologists\' decisions influenced their manner of death determinations. The dataset of death certificates indicated that forensic pathologists were more likely to rule \"homicide\" rather than \"accident\" for deaths of Black children relative to White children. This may arise because the base-rate expectation creates an a priori cognitive bias to rule that Black children died as a result of homicide, which then perpetuates itself. Corroborating this explanation, the experimental data with the 133 forensic pathologists exhibited biased decisions when given identical medical information but different irrelevant non-medical information about the race of the child and who was the caregiver who brought them to the hospital. These findings together demonstrate how extraneous information can result in cognitive bias in forensic pathology decision-making.