The current study investigated the neuro mechanisms of emoji processing as sentence predicate in written context. In the hybrid textuality which is more cognitively engaging, emojis in sentential intermediate positions were designed as either congruent or incongruent to the context. The results showed that incongruent words led to a robust N400 effect, while incongruent emojis only elicited the P600 effect. It implies that semantics and syntax of words can be separated while those of emojis seem to be integrated together. That is, when the meaning of the emoji is violated to the sentential context, its grammatical role cannot be well interpreted, especially when it is used as a key grammatical component in a sentence, such as the predicate. Thus, it shows that even though the meaning of emojis can be interpreted by readers, their syntactic and semantic functions cannot be clearly separated. In comparison with word processing, the larger amplitude with emojis in the time window of 350-500 ms shows more cognitive efforts in emoji semantic processing, possibly arising from the switch of modalities within the visual channel, that is, the multimodal cognitive load.

The structure of human language is inherently hierarchical. The left posterior inferior frontal gyrus (LpIFG) is proposed to be a core region for constructing syntactic hierarchies. However, it remains unclear whether LpIFG plays a causal role in syntactic processing in Mandarin Chinese and whether its contribution depends on syntactic complexity, working memory, or both. We addressed these questions by applying inhibitory continuous theta-burst stimulation (cTBS) over LpIFG. Thirty-two participants processed sentences containing embedded relative clauses (i.e., complex syntactic processing), syntactically simpler coordinated sentences (i.e., simple syntactic processing), and non-hierarchical word lists (i.e., word list processing) after receiving real or sham cTBS. We found that cTBS significantly increased the coefficient of variation, a representative index of processing stability, in complex syntactic processing (esp., when subject relative clause was embedded) but not in the other two conditions. No significant changes in d\' and reaction time were detected in these conditions. The findings suggest that (a) inhibitory effect of cTBS on the LpIFG might be prominent in perturbing the complex syntactic processing stability but subtle in altering the processing quality; and (b) the causal role of the LpIFG seems to be specific for syntactic processing rather than working memory capacity, further evidencing their separability in LpIFG. Collectively, these results support the notion of the LpIFG as a core region for complex syntactic processing across languages.

Languages are governed by syntactic constraints-structural rules that determine which sentences are grammatical in the language. In English, one such constraint is subject-verb agreement, which dictates that the number of a verb must match the number of its corresponding subject: \"the dogs run\", but \"the dog runs\". While this constraint appears to be simple, in practice speakers make agreement errors, particularly when a noun phrase near the verb differs in number from the subject (for example, a speaker might produce the ungrammatical sentence \"the key to the cabinets are rusty\"). This phenomenon, referred to as agreement attraction, is sensitive to a wide range of properties of the sentence; no single existing model is able to generate predictions for the wide variety of materials studied in the human experimental literature. We explore the viability of neural network language models-broad-coverage systems trained to predict the next word in a corpus-as a framework for addressing this limitation. We analyze the agreement errors made by Long Short-Term Memory (LSTM) networks and compare them to those of humans. The models successfully simulate certain results, such as the so-called number asymmetry and the difference between attraction strength in grammatical and ungrammatical sentences, but failed to simulate others, such as the effect of syntactic distance or notional (conceptual) number. We further evaluate networks trained with explicit syntactic supervision, and find that this form of supervision does not always lead to more human-like syntactic behavior. Finally, we show that the corpus used to train a network significantly affects the pattern of agreement errors produced by the network, and discuss the strengths and limitations of neural networks as a tool for understanding human syntactic processing.

Music can be interpreted by attributing syntactic relationships to sequential musical events, and, computationally, such musical interpretation represents an analogous combinatorial task to syntactic processing in language. While this perspective has been primarily addressed in the domain of harmony, we focus here on rhythm in the Western tonal idiom, and we propose for the first time a framework for modeling the moment-by-moment execution of processing operations involved in the interpretation of music. Our approach is based on (1) a music-theoretically motivated grammar formalizing the competence of rhythmic interpretation in terms of three basic types of dependency (preparation, syncopation, and split; Rohrmeier, 2020), and (2) psychologically plausible predictions about the complexity of structural integration and memory storage operations, necessary for parsing hierarchical dependencies, derived from the dependency locality theory (Gibson, 2000). With a behavioral experiment, we exemplify an empirical implementation of the proposed theoretical framework. One hundred listeners were asked to reproduce the location of a visual flash presented while listening to three rhythmic excerpts, each exemplifying a different interpretation under the formal grammar. The hypothesized execution of syntactic-processing operations was found to be a significant predictor of the observed displacement between the reported and the objective location of the flashes. Overall, this study presents a theoretical approach and a first empirical proof-of-concept for modeling the cognitive process resulting in such interpretation as a form of syntactic parsing with algorithmic similarities to its linguistic counterpart. Results from the present small-scale experiment should not be read as a final test of the theory, but they are consistent with the theoretical predictions after controlling for several possible confounding factors and may form the basis for further large-scale and ecological testing.

To what extent do readers process multiple words in parallel? Although it is now commonly accepted that letters are processed across multiple words simultaneously, higher-order (lexical, semantic, syntactic) parallel processing remains contentious. Recent use of the flanker paradigm has revealed that the syntactic recognition of foveal target words is influenced by the syntactic congruency of parafoveal flanking words even when target and flankers are shown for only 170 ms. It has been argued, however, that such settings may allow processing of multiple words even if this were to happen on a serial one-by-one basis. To circumvent this possibility, here I have tested participants in a syntactic categorization task whereby targets and flankers were shown for only 50 ms and replaced by post-masks. Significant effects of target-flanker congruency were observed in both response times and accuracy, indicating that readers extracted syntactic information from multiple words within the very brief presentation time. The present results strongly suggest that the brain extracts higher-order linguistic information from multiple words in parallel.

Glioma in the left frontal cortex has been reported to cause agrammatic comprehension and induce global functional connectivity alterations within the syntax-related networks. However, it remains unclear to what extent the structural reorganization is affected by preexisting syntax-related networks. We examined 28 patients with a diffuse glioma in the left hemisphere and 23 healthy participants. Syntactic abilities were assessed by a picture-sentence matching task with various sentence types. The lesion responsible for agrammatic comprehension was identified by region-of-interest-based lesion-symptom mapping (RLSM). Cortical structural alterations were examined by surface-based morphometry (SBM), in which the cortical thickness and fractal dimension were measured with three-dimensional magnetic resonance imaging (MRI). Fiber tracking on the human population-averaged diffusion MRI template was performed to examine whether the cortical structural alterations were associated with the syntax-related networks. The RLSM revealed associations between agrammatic comprehension and a glioma in the posterior limb of the left internal capsule. The SBM demonstrated that decreased cortical thickness and/or increased complexity of the right posterior insula were associated not only with agrammatic comprehension of the patients but also with the syntactic abilities of healthy participants. The fiber tracking revealed that the route between these two regions was anatomically integrated into the preexisting syntax-related networks previously identified. These results suggest a potential association between agrammatic comprehension in patients with diffuse glioma and structural variations in specific tracts and cortical regions, which may be closely related to the syntax-related networks.

UNASSIGNED: The source of costs is a primary concern in code-switching, yet a consensus has not yet been reached. This study investigates whether code-switching during syntactic processing in Chinese-English dual languages results in a cost.
UNASSIGNED: We use Chinese and English relative clauses in either object (Experiment 1) or subject (Experiment 2, which has a more complex structure) positions to test the costs in syntactic processing. Forty-seven Chinese-English bilinguals and 17 English-Chinese bilinguals participated in acceptability judgment tests and self-paced reading experiments.
UNASSIGNED: The statistical findings indicate that syntactic processing is a source of the costs incurred in code-switching, as evidenced by the code-switching costs observed in the head movement during relative clause comprehension.
UNASSIGNED: The outcomes are consistent with the implications of the 4-Morpheme Model and the Matrix Language Framework. Additionally, the experiment shows that the processing of relative clauses depends on the underlying structures, which is consistent with the Dependency Locality Theory.

UNASSIGNED: Human language allows us to generate an infinite number of linguistic expressions. It\'s proposed that this competence is based on a binary syntactic operation, Merge, combining two elements to form a new constituent. An increasing number of recent studies have shifted from complex syntactic structures to two-word constructions to investigate the neural representation of this operation at the most basic level.
UNASSIGNED: This fMRI study aimed to develop a highly flexible artificial grammar paradigm for testing the neurobiology of human syntax at a basic level. During scanning, participants had to apply abstract syntactic rules to assess whether a given two-word artificial phrase could be further merged with a third word. To control for lower-level template-matching and working memory strategies, an additional non-mergeable word-list task was set up.
UNASSIGNED: Behavioral data indicated that participants complied with the experiment. Whole brain and region of interest (ROI) analyses were performed under the contrast of \"structure > word-list.\" Whole brain analysis confirmed significant involvement of the posterior inferior frontal gyrus [pIFG, corresponding to Brodmann area (BA) 44]. Furthermore, both the signal intensity in Broca\'s area and the behavioral performance showed significant correlations with natural language performance in the same participants. ROI analysis within the language atlas and anatomically defined Broca\'s area revealed that only the pIFG was reliably activated.
UNASSIGNED: Taken together, these results support the notion that Broca\'s area, particularly BA 44, works as a combinatorial engine where words are merged together according to syntactic information. Furthermore, this study suggests that the present artificial grammar may serve as promising material for investigating the neurobiological basis of syntax, fostering future cross-species studies.

Previous research has shown effects of syntactic complexity on sentence processing. In linguistics, syntactic complexity (caused by different word orders) is traditionally explained by distinct linguistic operations. This study investigates whether different complex word orders indeed result in distinct patterns of neural activity, as would be expected when distinct linguistic operations are applied. Twenty-two older adults performed an auditory sentence processing paradigm in German with and without increased cognitive load. The results show that without increased cognitive load, complex sentences show distinct activation patterns compared with less complex, canonical sentences: complex object-initial sentences show increased activity in the left inferior frontal and temporal regions, whereas complex adjunct-initial sentences show increased activity in occipital and right superior frontal regions. Increased cognitive load seems to affect the processing of different sentence structures differently, increasing neural activity for canonical sentences, but leaving complex sentences relatively unaffected. We discuss these results in the context of the idea that linguistic operations required for processing sentence structures with higher levels of complexity involve distinct brain operations.

UNASSIGNED: Psycholinguistic research remains puzzled about the circumstances under which syntactically transformed idioms keep their figurative meaning. There is an abundance of linguistic and psycholinguistic studies that have examined which factors may determine why some idioms are more syntactically fixed than others, including transparency, compositionality, and syntactic frozenness; however, they have returned inconclusive, sometimes even conflicting, results. This is the first study to examine argument structure (i.e., the number of arguments a verb takes) and argument adjacency (i.e., the position of the critical arguments relative to the verb) and their effects on the processing of idiomatic and literal sentences in German. Our results suggest that neither the traditional models of idiom processing (according to which idioms are stored as fixed entries) nor more recent hybrid theories (which concede some compositional handling in addition to a fixed entry) adequately account for the effects of argument structure or argument adjacency. Therefore, this study challenges existing models of idiom processing.
UNASSIGNED: In two sentence-completion experiments, participants listened to idiomatic and literal sentences in both active and passive voice without the sentence-final verb. They indicated which of three visually-presented verbs best completed the sentence. We manipulated the factor argument structure within experiments and argument adjacency across experiments. In Experiment 1, passivized three-argument sentences had the critical argument adjacent to the verb while two-argument sentences had the critical argument non-adjacent to the verb, and vice versa in Experiment 2.
UNASSIGNED: In both experiments, voice interacted with argument structure. Active sentences-both literal and idiomatic-showed equivalent processing of two- and three-argument sentences. However, passive sentences returned contrasting effects. In Experiment 1, three-argument sentences were processed faster than two-argument sentences and vice versa in Experiment 2. This pattern corresponds to faster processing when critical arguments are adjacent than non-adjacent.
UNASSIGNED: The results point to the dominant role of argument adjacency over the number of arguments in the processing of syntactically transformed sentences. Regarding idiom processing, we conclude that the adjacency of the verb to its critical arguments determines whether passivized idioms keep their figurative meaning and present the implications of this finding for relevant models of idiom processing.