In many ways, the COVID-19 pandemic provided a natural experiment for alternate ways of living and working. Although alcohol supply was one of many aspects impacted by COVID-19 restrictions, few of those alcohol-related measures have been continued. This commentary presents a unique case study from the Gove Peninsula in northern Australia, where pandemic restrictions acted as a catalyst for a review of an established alcohol management system. A permit system was introduced on the Gove Peninsula in 2008 to control who can purchase takeaway alcohol and how much they could buy each day. Development of the system was rooted in the principles of community development and self-determination. This commentary describes how COVID-19 and associated changes in levels of alcohol harms mobilised community support for a review of the system, that had operated unchanged for the past decade. COVID-19 was adventitious in revealing compelling localised information which encouraged examination of potential improvements to the system. An updated regime is now being trialled, which sets daily limits on the alcohol purchases of everyone in the area. This experience illustrates the benefits of timely and relevant data to assist communities in formulating local solutions to local problems.

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Restricting access to gambling products is one possible harm reduction strategy. We examined whether land-based gambling product supply restrictions during the COVID-19 pandemic impacted gambling problems and gambling engagement. In a three-wave, online, longitudinal study, 462 Australian adults (Mage = 44.94; 87% male) who gambled completed survey measures of demographics, gambling engagement (land-based and online), gambling problems, and psychological distress. Analyses were pre-registered and examined the impacts of restrictions on gambling problems and engagement. During the period of restrictions, there were no significant differences in gambling problems (OR = 0.88 [95%CI 0.55-1.42], p = .610) nor online gambling (B = 4.48 [95%CI-0.40-9.35], p = .071) between states experiencing and not experiencing restrictions. There was a small overall reduction in gambling engagement at 2-(t = 2.03, p = .043) and 5-months (t = 2.37, p = .019) post-restrictions, but no change in gambling problems (t = 1.25, p = .211; t = 1.50, p = .134). Amongst those at moderate-to-high risk of problems at baseline, there were no significant reductions in gambling engagement (t = 0.58, p = .564; t = 1.20, p = .232) or problems (t = 0.92, p = .359; t = 1.53, p = .126) at 2- and 5-months post-restrictions. Findings show only a modest impact of COVID-related supply restrictions on gambling engagement and no impact on gambling problems up to 5 months follow-up. The wide-ranging psychosocial and financial impacts of the pandemic may have overshadowed any potential beneficial effects of the supply restrictions on problem gambling levels. Policies to promote and improve access to problem gambling treatment services are needed even following periods of reduced availability of gambling products.

Although China has played a significant role in the emergence and expansion of new psychoactive substances (NPS) worldwide, little research has specifically focused on the illicit supply of NPS within China and smuggling from China. In this study, data were extracted from sentencing files obtained from closed criminal cases to develop an objective understanding of the NPS supply chain in China. The sample consisted of 341 major cases concerning the illicit supply of three groups of NPS (ketamine, synthetic cathinone, and fentanyl) and five categories of offense, including manufacturing, distributing, retailing, transporting, and manufacturing-retailing. Significant differences between these categories of offense in terms of offenders\' profiles, behaviors, and supply patterns were observed. Our results suggest the existence of a dynamic and complex supply network both in China and in terms of smuggling routes from China.

Since 2005, the Australian Government has subsidized the production and distribution of Low Aromatic Fuel (LAF) as a deterrent against petrol (gasoline) sniffing in remote Indigenous communities. LAF is used in place of unleaded petrol as a fuel for vehicles and other engines. This paper reports findings from an independent evaluation of the LAF rollout.
Forty one Indigenous communities were surveyed between 2010 and 2014, with each community being visited twice at a two yearly interval. Quantitative data on prevalence of petrol sniffing were collected, as well as qualitative data on the acceptability of LAF, evidence of substitution for inhaled petrol with other drugs, and programs such as recreational, training and employment opportunities. Prevalence rates of sniffing per 1000 population for each survey year and community were calculated by dividing the total number of sniffers by the population aged 5-39 years and multiplying by 1000.
Between 2011-12 and 2013-14, the total estimated number of people sniffing petrol declined from 289 to 204, a fall of 29.4%. At both times, the median petrol sniffing prevalence rate was lower in communities with LAF than in communities without LAF. In 17 of the 41 communities, comparable data were available over a longer period, commencing in 2005-06. Fifteen of these communities stocked LAF over the entire period. In these communities, the median rate of petrol sniffing declined by 96%, from 141.6 per 1000 population in 2005-06 to 5.5 in 2013-14 (p < 0.05). LAF was widely accepted, although acceptance was often qualified by a belief that LAF harmed engines. Anecdotal reports suggest that the fall in petrol sniffing may have been offset by increased use of cannabis and other drugs, but the relationship is not one of simple cause-and-effect, with evidence that an increase in cannabis use in communities commenced before the LAF rollout began. Provision of services in communities has improved in recent years, but many programs continue to be inadequately resourced.
The rollout of LAF appears to have contributed to reducing petrol sniffing and associated harms in Australian Indigenous communities.

This article introduces the concept of \'secondary harm mitigation\' as a framework for improving the humanitarian credentials of international drug law enforcement agencies. The concept is rooted in a critical analysis of the compatibility of the harm reduction philosophy with Australia\'s international drug law enforcement practices. On a utilitarian level, the net benefits of international drug law enforcement are determined to be, at best inconclusive, arguably counterproductive and in most cases, incalculable. On a humanitarian level, international drug law enforcement is also determined to be problematic from a criminological standpoint because it generates secondary harms and it is indifferent to the vulnerability of individuals who participate in illicit drug trafficking. Accordingly, the article concludes that a philosophy of harm reduction grounded in the public health perspective is inadequate for mitigating secondary harms arising from Australia\'s efforts to combat international illicit drug trafficking. A tentative list of secondary harm mitigation principles is presented and the article argues that secondary harm mitigation should replace supply reduction as a core tenet of Australia\'s National Drug Strategy. The article also concludes that secondary harm mitigation may provide a viable framework for stimulating a productive dialogue between those who advocate prohibition and those who call for decriminalisation at the global level.