public opinion

公众舆论
  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    在需要雄心勃勃的环境管理举措来保护和恢复水生生态系统的时候,公众对支撑环境政策和决策的科学的信任正在减弱。公众信任度的下降与错误信息的增加同时发生,并威胁要破坏公众对,和参与,环境保护。我们的研究调查了与大堡礁(GBR)及其流域的保护和管理相关的科学不信任的患病率和预测因素。使用GBR地区1877名居民的调查数据,我们确定环境价值,感知,以及与科学不信任相关的态度。我们的结果包括GBR科学信任和怀疑的类型学。持科学怀疑态度的受访者,占我们样本的31%,可能会认为航道管理决策不公平,觉得不那么负责任,与那些对科学有更大信任的人相比,他们对改善水道健康的积极性较低。对科学持怀疑态度的受访者对水道的某些威胁也有不同的看法,特别是气候变化。然而,对科学信任程度不同的受访者之间的相似性和“共同点”包括对水道生态系统服务的重要性的共同认识,以及对他们地区水道内相对健康和问题的共同看法。我们的发现可以帮助打破关于GBR地区和其他地方的科学怀疑群体的假设。我们提出建议,以指导更具建设性的参与,寻求恢复信任,并就保护重要生态系统功能和服务的共同目标和途径达成共识。
    At a time when ambitious environmental management initiatives are required to protect and restore aquatic ecosystems, public trust in the science that underpins environmental policy and decision-making is waning. This decline in public trust coincides with a rise in misinformation, and threatens to undermine public support for, and participation in, environmental protection. Our study investigates the prevalence and predictors of mistrust in science associated with the protection and management of the Great Barrier Reef (GBR) and its catchments. Using survey data from 1,877 residents of the GBR region, we identify environmental values, perceptions, and attitudes that are associated with science mistrust. Our results include a typology of GBR science trust and scepticism. Science-sceptical respondents, representing 31% of our sample, were likely to perceive waterway management decisions as being unfair, felt less responsible, and were less motivated to contribute to improving waterway health than those with greater trust in science. Science-sceptical respondents also had differing perceptions of some threats to waterways, in particular climate change. However, similarities and \'common ground\' between respondents with varying levels of trust in science included a shared recognition of the importance of waterways\' ecosystem services, and a shared perception of the relative health and problems within their regions\' waterways. Our findings can help to break down assumptions about science-sceptical groups in the GBR region and elsewhere. We offer recommendations to guide more constructive engagement that seeks to restore trust and build consensus on mutual goals and pathways to protect vital ecosystem functions and services.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    非民主政体越来越多地举办大型体育赛事,以提高在国外的知名度和形象,这引发了关于“运动运动”潜力的辩论。以2022年在卡塔尔举行的FIFA世界杯为例,我们研究了锦标赛的框架如何影响国外对卡塔尔的看法。我们在锦标赛前对八个欧洲国家的14,000多名受访者进行的预先注册调查实验表明,根据卡塔尔的人权问题制定这一框架会导致对世界杯主办国的负面态度。相比之下,强调卡塔尔组织能力的框架改善了受访者的态度。各国影响的异质性凸显了国家信息环境对重大体育赛事对公众舆论影响的相关性。这些发现表明,重要的媒体报道可能会减轻体育活动的努力,而非批评的报道可以提高独裁的合法性。
    Non-democratic regimes have increasingly been hosting major sports events to boost their visibility and image abroad, which sparked debates about the potential for \"sportswashing\". Using the case of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar we examine how the framing of the tournament influenced opinions about Qatar abroad. Our pre-registered survey experiment with more than 14,000 respondents in eight European countries conducted before the tournament shows that framing it in light of human rights issues in Qatar leads to more negative attitudes towards the host of the World Cup. In contrast, frames emphasizing Qatar\'s organizational capacity improve respondents\' attitudes. The heterogeneity of effects across countries highlights the relevance of the national information environment for the effects of major sports events on public opinion. These findings suggest that critical media coverage could potentially mitigate sportswashing efforts while uncritical coverage can increase the legitimacy of autocracies.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:由于其频繁发生和随后的不良社会后果,社交媒体上错误信息的扩散是一个重大问题。有效干预和纠正错误信息已成为学术研究的重点。然而,探索影响公众接受错误信息纠正的根本原因仍然很重要,还不够充分。
    目的:本研究旨在通过对公众情绪方面的归因分析,确定影响公众接受错误信息纠正的关键归因,以及调查不同类型的错误信息更正中公众情绪归因的差异和相似性。
    方法:建立了基于归因理论的分析理论框架,公众情绪归因分为6个方面和11个维度。31个被筛选的错误信息事件的更正帖子包括33,422个微博帖子,相应的微博评论达370,218条。使用预训练模型来评估公众对这些评论中错误信息纠正的接受程度,并采用基于方面的情感分析方法识别公众情绪反应的归因。最终,本研究通过logistic回归分析揭示了公众情绪归因与公众接受错误信息纠正之间的因果关系。
    结果:研究结果如下:首先,与归因于内部归属的公众情绪相比,归因于外部归属的公众情绪对公众接受的影响更大。公众根据错误信息的类型将不同方面与更正相关联。更正的准确性和负责执行更正的实体对公众接受错误信息更正产生了重大影响。第二,对媒体的负面情绪明显增加,公众对媒体的信任显著下降。媒体信誉的崩溃对纠正错误信息的实际效果产生了不利影响。第三,公众对官方政府和地方政府的态度存在显着差异。公众对地方政府的负面情绪更为明显。
    结论:我们的发现表明,公众接受错误信息纠正需要针对公众情绪归因进行灵活的沟通。媒体需要重建自己的形象,重新获得公众的信任。此外,政府在公众接受错误信息纠正方面发挥着核心作用。一些地方政府需要修复与公众的信任。总的来说,这项研究为基于公众情绪的归因分析控制各种类型的错误信息提供了实践经验和理论基础。
    BACKGROUND: The proliferation of misinformation on social media is a significant concern due to its frequent occurrence and subsequent adverse social consequences. Effective interventions for and corrections of misinformation have become a focal point of scholarly inquiry. However, exploration of the underlying causes that affect the public acceptance of misinformation correction is still important and not yet sufficient.
    OBJECTIVE: This study aims to identify the critical attributions that influence public acceptance of misinformation correction by using attribution analysis of aspects of public sentiment, as well as investigate the differences and similarities in public sentiment attributions in different types of misinformation correction.
    METHODS: A theoretical framework was developed for analysis based on attribution theory, and public sentiment attributions were divided into 6 aspects and 11 dimensions. The correction posts for the 31 screened misinformation events comprised 33,422 Weibo posts, and the corresponding Weibo comments amounted to 370,218. A pretraining model was used to assess public acceptance of misinformation correction from these comments, and the aspect-based sentiment analysis method was used to identify the attributions of public sentiment response. Ultimately, this study revealed the causality between public sentiment attributions and public acceptance of misinformation correction through logistic regression analysis.
    RESULTS: The findings were as follows: First, public sentiments attributed to external attribution had a greater impact on public acceptance than those attributed to internal attribution. The public associated different aspects with correction depending on the type of misinformation. The accuracy of the correction and the entity responsible for carrying it out had a significant impact on public acceptance of misinformation correction. Second, negative sentiments toward the media significantly increased, and public trust in the media significantly decreased. The collapse of media credibility had a detrimental effect on the actual effectiveness of misinformation correction. Third, there was a significant difference in public attitudes toward the official government and local governments. Public negative sentiments toward local governments were more pronounced.
    CONCLUSIONS: Our findings imply that public acceptance of misinformation correction requires flexible communication tailored to public sentiment attribution. The media need to rebuild their image and regain public trust. Moreover, the government plays a central role in public acceptance of misinformation correction. Some local governments need to repair trust with the public. Overall, this study offered insights into practical experience and a theoretical foundation for controlling various types of misinformation based on attribution analysis of public sentiment.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    获得医疗保健等社会服务,教育,住房,和福利是建立公平社会的组成部分。虽然许多人固有地受益于这些服务,性工作者往往因为其工作性质而被剥夺这些权利和服务。这项研究的目的是研究性工作者对广泛权利和服务的理性看法。这项研究区分了合法和非法形式的性工作的态度,确定与这些感知相关的态度和人口统计学相关性,并检查了受访者性别和年龄之间的潜在互动。参与者包括来自美国的成年人的全国样本(n=549)。结果表明,与非法性工作相比,参与者认为合法的性工作更值得享有权利和服务。对自然的看法与对堕胎的态度有关,LGBTQ+权利,以及对政府合法性的看法。总的来说,老年人不太愿意将权利和服务扩展到性工作者,而女性更有可能认为性工作者应该得到权利和服务。性别和年龄之间存在相互作用。因为非法的性工作,感知上的性别差异随着参与者年龄的增长而趋同,而对于合法的性工作,性别差异随着年龄的增长而加剧,男性报告对应得的看法特别严格。
    Access to social services like healthcare, education, housing, and welfare are integral to creating an equitable society. While many populations inherently benefit from these services, sex workers are often denied these rights and services because of the nature of their work. The purpose of this study was to examine perceptions of deservingness of sex workers for a wide range of rights and services. This study distinguished those attitudes across legal and illegal forms of sex work, identified attitudinal and demographic correlates associated with those perceptions, and examined potential interactions between respondents\' gender and age. Participants included a nationwide sample of adults from the USA (n = 549). Results indicated that participants perceived legal sex work as more deserving of rights and services compared to illegal sex work. Perceptions of deservingness were associated with attitudes toward abortion, LGBTQ+ rights, and perceptions of government legitimacy. Overall, older individuals were less willing to extend rights and services to sex workers and women were more likely to perceive sex workers as deserving of rights and services. There was an interaction between gender and age. For illegal sex work, gender differences in perceptions converged as participants aged, whereas for legal sex work, gender differences were exacerbated with age, with men reporting particularly restrictive perceptions of deservingness.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    作为烟草衍生尼古丁的替代产品,合成尼古丁产品最近出现并越来越受欢迎。这项研究分析了公众对Twitter(现“X”)上合成尼古丁产品的看法和讨论。
    通过Twitter流API(应用程序编程接口),从2021年12月12日至2022年10月17日,我们收集了2,764个与合成尼古丁相关的Twitter帖子,使用与合成尼古丁相关的关键字。通过应用归纳法,两名研究助理手动确定推文与合成尼古丁产品的相关性,并评估推文的态度为积极的,负,对合成尼古丁的推文是中性的,和主要议题。
    在与合成尼古丁产品相关的1,007条推文中,对合成尼古丁产品的负面推文(383/1007,38.03%)的比例显着高于正面推文(218/1007,21.65%),p值<0.05。在负面推文中,主要议题包括对合成尼古丁产品成瘾和健康风险的关注(44.91%)和合成尼古丁作为政策漏洞(31.85%)。在积极的推文中,主要议题包括尼古丁的替代品(39.91%)和降低健康风险(31.19%)。
    Twitter上对合成尼古丁产品的态度喜忧参半,从不同的角度产生。未来的研究可以纳入人口统计信息,以了解各种人口群体的态度。
    UNASSIGNED: As alternative replacement products for tobacco-derived nicotine, synthetic nicotine products have recently emerged and gained increasing popularity. This study analyzes public perception and discussion of synthetic nicotine products on Twitter (now \"X\").
    UNASSIGNED: Through Twitter streaming API (Application Programming Interface), we have collected 2,764 Twitter posts related to synthetic nicotine from December 12, 2021, to October 17, 2022, using keywords related to synthetic nicotine. By applying an inductive approach, two research assistants manually determined the relevance of tweets to synthetic nicotine products and assessed the attitude of tweets as positive, negative, and neutral of tweets toward synthetic nicotine, and the main topics.
    UNASSIGNED: Among 1,007 tweets related to synthetic nicotine products, the proportion of negative tweets (383/1007, 38.03%) toward synthetic nicotine products was significantly higher than that of positive tweets (218/1007, 21.65%) with a p-value <0.05. Among negative tweets, major topics include the concern about addiction and health risks of synthetic nicotine products (44.91%) and synthetic nicotine as a policy loophole (31.85%). Among positive tweets, top topics include alternative replacement for nicotine (39.91%) and reduced health risks (31.19%).
    UNASSIGNED: There are mixed attitudes toward synthetic nicotine products on Twitter, resulting from different perspectives. Future research could incorporate demographic information to understand the attitudes of various population groups.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    安大略省,加拿大,在市政选举中有着悠久的无党派历史。在这种独特的背景下,我们通过对加拿大人口最多的省份的合格选民的调查,报告了公民对市政党派关系的态度的结果。使用混合方法方法,我们专注于三个相互关联的研究问题。首先,公民对市政政党的支持程度取决于所考虑的政党类型?第二,公民为他们偏爱市政政党或独立政党提供什么理由?最后,对市政政党的支持有什么关联?我们发现对市政政党的支持很少,许多选民有复杂的理由选择独立人士或政党。我们还确定了与支持各方相关的几个因素。这些结果提供了对安大略省市政党派关系的态度的深入了解,并建议公众舆论可能提供一种被忽视的机制,维持安大略省的无党派关系。
    The province of Ontario, Canada, has a longstanding history of non-partisanship in municipal elections. In this distinctive context, we report results on citizen attitudes toward municipal partisanship using a survey of eligible voters in Canada\'s most populous province. Using a mixed-methods approach, we focus on three interrelated research questions. First, how much does citizen support for municipal parties depend on the type of party under consideration? Second, what reasons do citizens provide for their preference for either municipal political parties or independents? Finally, what are the correlates of support for municipal parties? We find little support for municipal political parties, and that many voters have sophisticated reasons for preferring either independents or parties. We also identify several factors associated with support for parties. These results provide an in-depth picture of attitudes on municipal partisanship in Ontario, and suggest that public opinion may provide an overlooked mechanism that maintains Ontario\'s non-partisanship.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    像NeurotechEU这样的未来派大学及其提供的技术创新将塑造和服务于社会,但也需要社会的支持。对神经技术的积极态度将增加他们在社会中的影响力,也可能影响决策,包括筹资决策。然而,可接受率,尤其是侵入性神经技术,相当低,大多数人对他们更担心而不是热情。因此,问题是神经技术进步应该带来什么。为了罕见地接触公众,我们建议进行一项跨国调查,目的是更好地了解我们NeurotechEU国家的挑战。我们的目标是比较和对比我们各国对神经技术进步的看法,即,他们的需求,兴趣,访问,对神经技术的知识和信任,以及这些是否应该受到监管。为此,我们开发了一个新工具的第一个版本——理解社会挑战问卷(USCQ)——它评估了所有六个维度(需求,兴趣,access,知识,信任,和政策制定),并设计用于欧盟/AC国家的行政管理。除了跨国比较,我们还将研究我们国家对神经技术进步的看法与人口和人格变量的联系,例如,教育和社会经济地位,住宅区的大小,五大人格特质,宗教信仰,政治立场,还有更多.我们希望这项研究将更深入地了解我们各国面临的挑战以及它们之间的异同,也将有助于揭示预测对神经技术进步的积极和消极态度的变量。通过将这些知识整合到科学过程中,NeurotechEU也许能够开发人们真正关心的神经技术,是道德和规范的,并且实际上被用户理解。
    Futuristic universities like The NeurotechEU and the technological innovations they provide will shape and serve society, but will also require support from society. Positive attitudes about neuro-technologies will increase their reach within society and may also impact policy-making, including funding decisions. However, the acceptability rates, especially of invasive neuro-technologies, are quite low and the majority of people are more worried than enthusiastic about them. The question therefore arises as to what neuro-technological advances should entail. In a rare effort to reach out to the public, we propose to conduct a trans-national survey with the goal to better understand the challenges of our NeurotechEU nations. We aim to compare and contrast our nations specifically with respect to their perspectives on neuro-technological advances, i.e., their needs for, interests in, access to, knowledge of and trust in neuro-technologies, and whether these should be regulated. To this end, we have developed the first version of a new tool-the Understanding Societal Challenges Questionnaire (USCQ)-which assesses all six of these dimensions (needs, interest, access, knowledge, trust, and policy-making) and is designed for administration across EU/AC countries. In addition to trans-national comparisons, we will also examine the links of our nations\' perspectives on neuro-technological advances to demographic and personality variables, for example, education and socio-economic status, size of the residential area, the Big Five personality traits, religiosity, political standings, and more. We expect that this research will provide a deeper understanding of the challenges that our nations are facing as well as the similarities and differences between them, and will also help uncover the variables that predict positive and negative attitudes toward neuro-technological advances. By integrating this knowledge into the scientific process, The NeurotechEU may be able to develop neuro-technologies that people really care about, are ethical and regulated, and actually understood by the user.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    基金组织的干预往往与基金组织干预的国家政治不满情绪上升有关。研究这种关系,然而,面对将IMF的影响与引发干预的危机的影响分开的挑战。为了应对这一挑战,我们在希腊进行调查实验,爱尔兰,葡萄牙,和西班牙,并直接评估选民如何评估国际货币基金组织干预的成本和收益。我们发现选民认为,当国际货币基金组织干预时,危机更有可能得到解决,但他们也批评相应的国家主权丧失。因为前一种考虑,平均而言,主导他们的评估,国际货币基金组织的干预增加了选民对不受欢迎的经济政策的支持。尽管如此,跨国分歧表明,公众对干预的持续支持取决于IMF是否有能力兑现其帮助解决危机的承诺。
    IMF interventions are often associated with rising political discontent in countries where the Fund intervenes. Studies examining this relationship, however, face the challenge of disentangling the impact of the IMF from the impact of the crisis that triggered the intervention. To address this challenge, we conduct survey experiments in Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain and directly assess how voters evaluate the costs and benefits of an IMF intervention. We find that voters believe that the crisis will more likely be solved when the IMF intervenes, but they are also critical of the corresponding loss of national sovereignty. Because the former consideration, on average, dominates their assessment, IMF interventions increase the support of voters for unpopular economic policies. Nonetheless, cross-country differences suggest that continued public support for intervention hinges on the IMF\'s ability to deliver on its promise to help resolve the crisis.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:中国人类基因数据的国际披露在中国仍然是一个有争议的问题,在传统和社交媒体渠道进行公开辩论。在中国科学家对pangenome数据的研究发表在著名的《自然》杂志上之后,人们的担忧加剧了。
    方法:本研究仔细研究了微博上的微博,一个受欢迎的中国社交媒体网站,在发布后的两个月内(2023年6月14日至2023年8月21日)。进行了内容分析,以评估公众回应的性质,积极或消极态度的理由,以及用户对中国人类基因信息如何在中国受到监管和管理的总体了解。
    结果:微博用户对文章公开披露的pangenome研究数据表现出截然不同的态度,18%为阳性,64%阴性,18%中立。积极的态度主要来自经过验证的政府和媒体账户,称赞该出版物。相比之下,消极的态度源于个人用户,他们担心国家安全和健康风险,并经常认为研究人员背叛了中国。评论中强调的数据共享的好处包括疾病研究和科学进步的进步。大约16%的微博表示,微博用户误解了有关数据共享和管理的现有法规和法律。
    结论:基于我们的研究确立的公众对科学数据共享的主要负面态度,我们建议科学家和科学机构加强宣传,以增加公众对基因研究发展的了解,国际数据共享,和相关法规。此外,政府机构可以通过对涉及中国人类基因数据及其跨境转移的国际合作研究进行更透明的安全审查来减轻公众的担忧和担忧。
    BACKGROUND: The international disclosure of Chinese human genetic data continues to be a contentious issue in China, generating public debates in both traditional and social media channels. Concerns have intensified after Chinese scientists\' research on pangenome data was published in the prestigious journal Nature.
    METHODS: This study scrutinized microblogs posted on Weibo, a popular Chinese social media site, in the two months immediately following the publication (June 14, 2023-August 21, 2023). Content analysis was conducted to assess the nature of public responses, justifications for positive or negative attitudes, and the users\' overall knowledge of how Chinese human genetic information is regulated and managed in China.
    RESULTS: Weibo users displayed contrasting attitudes towards the article\'s public disclose of pangenome research data, with 18% positive, 64% negative, and 18% neutral. Positive attitudes came primarily from verified government and media accounts, which praised the publication. In contrast, negative attitudes originated from individual users who were concerned about national security and health risks and often believed that the researchers have betrayed China. The benefits of data sharing highlighted in the commentaries included advancements in disease research and scientific progress. Approximately 16% of the microblogs indicated that Weibo users had misunderstood existing regulations and laws governing data sharing and stewardship.
    CONCLUSIONS: Based on the predominantly negative public attitudes toward scientific data sharing established by our study, we recommend enhanced outreach by scientists and scientific institutions to increase the public understanding of developments in genetic research, international data sharing, and associated regulations. Additionally, governmental agencies can alleviate public fears and concerns by being more transparent about their security reviews of international collaborative research involving Chinese human genetic data and its cross-border transfer.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    全国民意调查数据表明,美国人支持跨性别者接受性别确认手术(GAS)的权利。尚不清楚公众对GAS的看法是否因患者亚群而异,解剖部位,或保险范围,以及公众是否普遍认为变性人会后悔GAS。
    我们建立了一项Qualtrics™调查,该调查源自经过在线验证的2017年Ipsos调查,并通过AmazonMechanicalTurk将其分发给美国成年人。使用多项逻辑回归确定人口统计学特征与GAS感知的关联。
    受访者(n=312)主要是非西班牙裔白人(69.2%),拥有学士学位(64.7%),并报告年收入为25,000美元至74,999美元(64.4%)。大约一半的受访者认为是社会自由主义者(50.3%);34.0%的社会保守主义者;15.7%的人都不是。受访者支持独立于解剖和保险的GAS权利。对变性儿童的支持(62%)低于成年变性男性(84%)和女性(83%)。尽管支持GAS的权利,受访者认为,跨性别的成年人(67%)和儿童(74%)会后悔GAS。教育是支持GAS权利的最强预测指标。社会保守的受访者比非意识形态或自由主义者更有可能相信变性人会后悔GAS。
    这个具有不同意识形态的美国成年人的大型在线样本证明了对GAS的支持,而与解剖部位和保险无关。GAS对变性儿童的支持是强有力的,虽然低于成人的支持。尽管广泛支持,大多数外行人认为变性人会后悔GAS。
    UNASSIGNED: National polling data indicate that Americans support the right of transgender persons to undergo gender-affirming surgery (GAS). It remains unknown whether public perceptions of GAS differ depending on patient subpopulations, anatomical site, or insurance coverage and whether the public widely believes that transgender people will regret GAS.
    UNASSIGNED: We built a Qualtrics™ survey derived from an online validated 2017 Ipsos survey and distributed it to American adults through Amazon Mechanical Turk. Associations of demographic characteristics with perception of GAS were determined using multinomial logistic regression.
    UNASSIGNED: Respondents (n=312) were predominantly non-Hispanic White (69.2%), held a bachelor\'s degree (64.7%), and reported an annual income of $25,000 to $74,999 (64.4%). Approximately half of respondents identified as socially liberal (50.3%); 34.0% as socially conservative; and 15.7% as neither. Respondents supported a right to GAS independent of anatomy and insurance. Support for transgender children (62%) was less than for adult transgender men (84%) and women (83%). Despite supporting a right to GAS, respondents agreed that transgender adults (67%) and children (74%) would regret GAS. Education was the strongest predictor of support for GAS rights. Socially conservative respondents were significantly more likely than nonideological or liberal respondents to believe that transgender people would regret GAS.
    UNASSIGNED: This large online sample of American adults with diverse ideologies demonstrated support for GAS independent of anatomical site and insurance. Support of GAS for transgender children is robust, although lower than support for adults. Despite broad support, most laypersons believe that transgender people would regret GAS.
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