policy response

政策响应
  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    自2020年以来,泰国经历了四次COVID-19浪潮。到2022年1月31日,全国累计发生240万例病例和22176例死亡。这项研究评估了适应不同规模的大流行爆发和其他挑战的治理和政策应对措施。
    进行了定性研究,包括文献综述和对17个多部门参与者的深入访谈,这些参与者有目的地从负责大流行控制和疫苗推广的人员中确定.我们使用卫生系统构建模块应用演绎方法,采用深度访谈内容分析的归纳法,关键内容形成子主题,不同的子主题构成了研究的主题。
    这项研究提出了三个主题。首先,COVID-19的大规模感染,尤其是2021年的三角洲毒株,对卫生系统应对病例和维持基本卫生服务的能力的运作提出了挑战。曼谷地方政府由于能力有限,表现不够,无效的多部门合作,以及人口中的高度脆弱性。然而,充足的资金,全民健康覆盖,卫生工作人员的专业精神和承诺是支持卫生系统的关键有利因素。第二,人口的脆弱性加剧了感染的传播,旷日持久的政治冲突和政治干预导致大流行控制措施和疫苗推广的政治化;所有这些都是有效控制大流行的关键障碍。第三,各种创新和适应能力最大限度地减少了供应方的差距,而社会资本和民间社会的参与提高了社区的复原力。
    这项研究确定了关键的治理差距,包括公共沟通,管理信息流行病,与曼谷地方政府协调不足,以及公共和私营部门之间关于大流行控制和卫生服务规定的信息。鉴于人口脆弱性很高,曼谷政府的能力有限。政治冲突和干涉扩大了这些差距。主要优势是全民健康覆盖和全额资金支持,和卫生劳动力承诺,创新,以及调整干预措施以适应不断发展的紧急情况的能力。现有的社会资本和民间社会行动提高了社区的复原力,并最大限度地减少了对人口的负面影响。
    Since 2020, Thailand has experienced four waves of COVID-19. By 31 January 2022, there were 2.4 million cumulative cases and 22,176 deaths nationwide. This study assessed the governance and policy responses adapted to different sizes of the pandemic outbreaks and other challenges.
    A qualitative study was applied, including literature reviews and in-depth interviews with 17 multi-sectoral actors purposively identified from those who were responsible for pandemic control and vaccine rollout. We applied deductive approaches using health systems building blocks, and inductive approaches using analysis of in-depth interview content, where key content formed sub-themes, and different sub-themes formed the themes of the study.
    Three themes emerged from this study. First, the large scale of COVID-19 infections, especially the Delta strain in 2021, challenged the functioning of the health system\'s capacity to respond to cases and maintain essential health services. The Bangkok local government insufficiently performed due to its limited capacity, ineffective multi-sectoral collaboration, and high levels of vulnerability in the population. However, adequate financing, universal health coverage, and health workforce professionalism and commitment were key enabling factors that supported the health system. Second, the population\'s vulnerability exacerbated infection spread, and protracted political conflicts and political interference resulted in the politicization of pandemic control measures and vaccine roll-out; all were key barriers to effective pandemic control. Third, various innovations and adaptive capacities minimized the supply-side gaps, while social capital and civil society engagement boosted community resilience.
    This study identifies key governance gaps including in public communication, managing infodemics, and inadequate coordination with Bangkok local government, and between public and private sectors on pandemic control and health service provisions. The Bangkok government had limited capacity in light of high levels of population vulnerability. These gaps were widened by political conflicts and interference. Key strengths are universal health coverage with full funding support, and health workforce commitment, innovations, and capacity to adapt interventions to the unfolding emergency. Existing social capital and civil society action increases community resilience and minimizes negative impacts on the population.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    我们使用关于以色列COVID-19疫苗接种和感染病例的独特面板数据来检查政治信仰在COVID-19疫苗摄取中的作用,病毒传播,和关闭政策回应。该文件根据2020年3月COVID-19爆发前夕在以色列举行的全国选举中的统计地区投票来确定政治信仰。与美国和其他地方不同,以色列的大流行政策干预得到了整个信仰领域的政客的广泛支持。因此,家庭对病毒风险的反应并没有因为当时的党派分歧和政治领导人之间的辩论而产生偏见。调查结果显示,一切都是平等的,在紧急和局部病毒风险之后,与政治上中间偏右和宗教地区的选民相比,中间偏右和宗教地区的选民对疫苗抵抗和病毒传播的可能性要高得多。此外,政治信仰对总的大流行结果非常突出。模型模拟表明,如果所有区域都对病毒风险做出了反应,那么中心左侧区域的风险规避行为就更多,全国接种疫苗的数量将增加15%。同样的情况导致总感染病例减少30%。结果还表明,经济封闭等强制性政策措施在减少风险较低的右翼和宗教地区之间的病毒传播方面更有效。研究结果为政治信仰在家庭应对健康风险中的作用提供了新的证据。结果进一步强调了及时、不同政治信仰团体之间有针对性的信息传递和干预,以减少疫苗犹豫和加强疾病控制。未来的研究应该探索研究结果的外部有效性,包括使用个人选民数据,如果可用,评估政治信仰的影响。
    We employ unique panel data on the universe of COVID-19 vaccination and infection cases in Israel to examine the role of political belief in COVID-19 vaccine uptake, virus transmission, and closure policy response. The paper identifies political beliefs based on statistical area votes in national elections held in Israel on the eve of the COVID-19 outbreak in March 2020. Unlike the U.S. and elsewhere, pandemic policy intervention in Israel was broadly supported by politicians across the belief spectrum. As such, household response to virus risk was not biased by contemporaneous partisan disagreement and debate among political leaders. Findings show, all things equal, that in the wake of emergent and localized virus risk, voters in politically right-of-center and religious areas displayed substantially higher odds of both vaccine resistance and virus transmission as compared to their left-center counterparts. Moreover, political belief is highly salient to aggregate pandemic outcomes. Model simulation shows that had all areas responded to virus risk with the more risk-averse behaviors of left-of-center areas, the number of vaccinations nationwide would have increased by 15 percent. That same scenario results in a full 30 percent reduction in total infection cases. Results also show that coercive policy measures such as economic closure were more effective in reducing virus transmission among less risk-averse right-wing and religious areas. Findings provide new evidence of the role of political belief in household response to health risks. Results further underscore the importance of timely, targeted messaging and intervention among divergent political belief groups to reduce vaccine hesitancy and enhance disease control. Future studies should explore the external validity of findings, including the use of individual voter data, if available, to evaluate political belief effects.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    面对前所未有的COVID-19变种的爆发,各国采取了谨慎的限制性措施,从彻底解除封锁到执行严格的政策,而是共同保护全球公共卫生。在不断变化的情况下,我们首先应用面板数据向量自回归(PVAR)模型,使用2021年6月15日至2022年4月15日的176个国家/地区的样本,估计政策反应之间的潜在关联,COVID-19在死亡和疫苗接种方面的进展,拥有的医疗资源。此外,我们使用随机效应方法和固定效应推测,检查跨区域和随时间变化的政策差异的决定因素。我们的工作有四个主要发现。首先,它表明政策严格性与包括新的每日死亡在内的感兴趣变量之间存在双向关系,完全接种疫苗的百分比和健康能力。其次,以疫苗的可用性为条件,政策对死亡人数的敏感性趋于下降。第三,健康能力的作用与病毒突变并存。第四,关于随着时间的推移政策反应的差异,新死亡的影响往往是季节性的。至于政策反应的地理差异,我们对亚洲进行了分析,欧洲,非洲,它们显示了对决定因素的不同程度的依赖。这些发现表明,在与COVID-19搏斗的复杂背景下存在双向相关性,因为政府干预对病毒传播产生影响,政策应对措施也随着大流行中不断变化的多种因素而取得进展。这项研究将帮助决策者,从业者,和学术界对政策反应和背景实施因素之间的相互作用进行全面理解。
    Against the unprecedented outbreaks of the COVID-19 variants, countries have introduced restrictive measures with discretion, ranging from lifting the closure thoroughly to implementing stringent policies, but all together guarding the global public health. Under the changing circumstances, we firstly apply the panel data vector autoregression (PVAR) model, using a sample of 176 countries/territories from 15 June 2021 to 15 April 2022, to estimate the potential associations among the policy responses, the progression of COVID-19 in deaths and vaccination, and medical resources possessed. Furthermore, we use the random effect method and the fixed effect speculation, to examine the determinants of policy variances across regions and over time. Our work has four main findings. Firstly, it showed the existence of a bidirectional relationship between the policy stringency and variables of interest including new daily deaths, the fully vaccinated percentage and health capacity. Secondly, conditional on the availability of vaccines, the sensitivity of policy responses to the death numbers tends to decline. Thirdly, the role of health capacity matters in coexisting with the virus mutation. Fourthly, regarding the variance in policy responses over time, the impact of new deaths tends to be seasonal. As to geographical differences in policy responses, we present the analysis for Asia, Europe, and Africa, and they show different levels of dependencies on the determinants. These findings suggest that bidirectional correlations exist in the complex context of wrestling with the COVID-19, as government interventions exert influence on the virus spread, the policy responses also progress alongside multiple factors evolving in the pandemic. This study will help policymakers, practitioners, and academia to formulate a comprehensive understanding of the interactions between policy responses and the contextualized implementation factors.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    目标:在COVID-19大流行的早期阶段,经济的全面重新开放通常会加速病毒传播。这项研究旨在确定政策应对是否有助于减少流行病传播和振兴经济活动的双重目标。
    方法:这是对经济合作与发展组织(OECD)和巴西的纵向研究,俄罗斯,印度,印度尼西亚,中国,和南非(BRIICS)从2020年第一季度(第一季度)到2021年同期。
    方法:从健康经济的角度来看,这项研究建立了一个框架来说明以下结果:抑制繁荣,爆发停滞,爆发-繁荣和抑制-停滞情景。多项逻辑模型用于分析政策应对与大流行和经济之间的关联。这项研究进一步研究了政策反应的两个亚型,严格/卫生措施和经济支持措施,分开。估计了不同场景的概率。
    结果:经济繁荣和疫情抑制与政策应对显著相关。随着强度的增加,政策应对对健康经济情景的影响呈倒U形。\'Leptokurtic\',\“双峰\”和\“长尾\”曲线表明了抑制繁荣的估计可能性,爆发繁荣和抑制停滞的情景,分别。此外,严格/卫生政策遵循倒U型模式,而经济支持政策表现出线性模式。
    结论:可以同时实现经济增长和疫情控制的双重目标,这些发现为在大流行的早期阶段平衡经济与公共卫生提供了新的视角。
    OBJECTIVE: During the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic, the full reopening of the economy typically accelerated viral transmission. This study aims to determine whether policy response could contribute to the dual objective of both reducing the spread of the epidemic and revitalising economic activities.
    METHODS: This is a longitudinal study of Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and Brazil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa (BRIICS) from the first quarter (Q1) of 2020 to the same period of 2021.
    METHODS: From a health-economic perspective, this study established a framework to illustrate the following outcomes: suppression-prosperity, outbreak-stagnancy, outbreak-prosperity and suppression-stagnancy scenarios. Multinomial logistic models were used to analyse the associations between policy response with both the pandemic and the economy. The study further examined two subtypes of policy response, stringency/health measures and economic support measures, separately. The probabilities of the different scenarios were estimated.
    RESULTS: Economic prosperity and epidemic suppression were significantly associated with policy response. The effects of policy response on health-economic scenarios took the form of inverse U-shapes with the increase in intensity. \'Leptokurtic\', \'bimodal\' and \'long-tailed\' curves demonstrated the estimated possibilities of suppression-prosperity, outbreak-prosperity and suppression-stagnancy scenarios, respectively. In addition, stringency/health policies followed the inverted U-shaped pattern, whereas economic support policies showed a linear pattern.
    CONCLUSIONS: It was possible to achieve the dual objective of economic growth and epidemic control simultaneously, and the effects of policy response were shaped like an inverse U. These findings provide a new perspective for balancing the economy with public health during the early stages of the pandemic.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    危机时期的快速反应研究很重要,因为时间敏感的发现可以为紧急决策提供信息,即使研究预算有限。这项研究,国家科学基金会资助的快速反应研究(RAPID),探索美国(U.S.)政府在应对COVID-19大流行方面的科学信息,以及此消息传递如何告知策略。使用快速出现的辅助数据(例如,政策文件取自政府网站和其他网站),其中大部分已被删除或更改,我们研究了管理机构之间的相互作用,非政府组织,在大流行的头两年,美国东南部的平民人口。这项研究有助于更好地了解联邦政府的决策者,state,地方层面对疫苗接种率最低、贫困率最高的三个州的大流行做出了反应,收入不平等,以及美国有色人种所承受的不成比例的影响:阿拉巴马州,路易斯安那州,还有密西西比州.这项研究纳入了政策制度框架,以讨论两个基本概念(思想和机构)如何在COVID-19大流行期间帮助管理政策实施。这项研究通过更好地了解政策制度如何在多个级别的政府中出现并在公共卫生危机期间影响弱势群体,从而填补了巨大的信息空白。我们使用自动文本分析来理解来自决策机构的大量文本数据。我们的案例研究是第一个将政策制度框架与经验数据结合使用的案例,当它出现时,从联邦,state,和地方政府分析美国对COVID-19的政策反应。我们发现,在COVID-19大流行期间,美国的政策反应包括两个不同的消息传递期:疫苗前和疫苗后。许多消息传递数据源(机构网站,公共服务公告,etc).自从我们收集它们以来已经改变了,因此,我们的实时快速研究使危机中的政策反应的准确快照。我们还发现,联邦的方式存在显著差异,state,在每个时期,地方政府都会向公众传达复杂的想法。因此,我们的RAPID研究证明了重要的政策制度是如何制定的,以及这些制度的信息如何影响弱势群体。
    Quick-response research during a time of crisis is important because time-sensitive findings can inform urgent decision-making, even with limited research budgets. This research, a National Science Foundation-funded Rapid Response Research (RAPID), explores the United States (U.S.) government\'s messaging on science in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and how this messaging informed policy. Using rapidly emerging secondary data (e.g., policy documents taken from government websites and others), much of which has since been removed or changed, we examined the interactions between governing bodies, non-governmental organizations, and civilian populations in the Southeastern U.S. during the first 2 years of the pandemic. This research helps to better understand how decision-makers at the federal, state, and local levels responded to the pandemic in three states with the lowest vaccine rates and highest levels of poverty, income inequality, and disproportionate impacts borne by people of color in the nation: Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi. This study incorporates the Policy Regime Framework to discuss how two foundational concepts (ideas and institutions) helped govern policy implementation during the COVID-19 pandemic. This research fills a significant information gap by providing a better understanding of how policy regimes emerge across multiple levels of government and impact vulnerable populations during times of a public health crisis. We use automated text analysis to make sense of a large quantity of textual data from policy-making agencies. Our case study is the first to use the Policy Regime Framework in conjunction with empirical data, as it emerged, from federal, state, and local governments to analyze the U.S. policy response to COVID-19. We found the U.S. policy response included two distinct messaging periods in the U.S. during the COVID-19 pandemic: pre and post-vaccine. Many messaging data sources (agency websites, public service announcements, etc). have since been changed since we collected them, thus our real-time RAPID research enabled an accurate snapshot of a policy response in a crisis. We also found that there were significant differences in the ways that federal, state, and local governments approached communicating complex ideas to the public in each period. Thus, our RAPID research demonstrates how significant policy regimes are enacted and how messaging from these regimes can impact vulnerable populations.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    我们调查了COVID-19大流行和相关政策应对对非COVID-19医疗保健利用的影响(即,不同类型的门诊护理)至2020年10月在中国。利用一个地级市的行政数据库,我们发现,COVID-19大流行的直接暴露和严格的遏制政策反应均导致门诊医疗利用率下降.封锁期间下降幅度最大的是预防性护理就诊,然而,在封锁后2个月,它恢复到了大流行前的水平。产前护理访问的中断不能被后来的恢复所抵消。截至2020年10月,慢性护理和急诊科就诊时间尚未恢复到大流行前的水平,这可能是由于处方药供应天数延长所致,越来越多地使用远程医疗,和改善健康保护行为。在重新开放期间,对精神和睡眠障碍的访问有所增加,尤其是在儿童中,和药物流产。在各级卫生设施中,初级保健机构的总门诊次数减少最少.我们的结果强调,在管理当前的流行病学过渡和未来的危机时,需要采取策略来确保获得紧急或基本护理服务。
    We investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and related policy responses on non-COVID-19 healthcare utilization (i.e., different types of outpatient care) up to October 2020 in China. Using an administrative database from a large prefecture-level city, we find that both direct exposure to the COVID-19 pandemic and the strict containment policy responses led to reductions in outpatient care utilization. The largest decline during the lockdown was observed in preventive care visits, which nevertheless recovered to pre-pandemic levels 2 months after the lockdown. The disruptions in prenatal care visits could not be offset by the recovery later on. Chronic care and emergency department visits had not returned to pre-pandemic levels as of October 2020, which may be driven by extended days\' supply of prescription medication, increased use of telemedicine, and improved health-protective behaviors. In the reopening period, there were increases in visits for mental and sleep disorders, especially among children, and for medical abortion. Among health facilities at all levels, primary care facilities saw the least reductions in total outpatient visits. Our results emphasize the need for strategies to ensure access to urgent or essential care services when managing the current epidemiologic transition and future crises.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    在本文中,我们讨论了在应对COVID-19大流行的卫生系统政策中缺乏对儿童的考虑。我们通过关注具有复杂医疗需求的儿童案例来做到这一点。我们认为,从广义上讲,大流行期间实施的卫生系统政策未能充分履行我们对儿童和有复杂医疗需求的儿童的义务,因为没有考虑这些需求,因此没有给予他们公平的保护,使他们免受伤害和不利。我们认为,正义要求将具有医疗复杂性的儿童的独特需求和脆弱性明确地纳入并优先考虑有关康复阶段及以后的医疗保健和运营计划的决策中。
    In this paper, we discuss the lack of consideration given to children in the COVID-19 health systems policy response to the pandemic. We do this by focusing on the case of children with complex medical needs. We argue that, in broad terms, health systems policies that were implemented during the pandemic failed adequately to meet our obligations to both children generally and those with complex medical needs by failing to consider those needs and so to give them fair protection against harm and disadvantage. We argue that justice requires that the distinct needs and vulnerabilities of children with medical complexities are explicitly integrated and prioritised in decisions concerning healthcare and operational planning in the recovery phase and beyond.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    世界各地发生的重大水污染事件都得到了不同程度的政策回应。砷-全球优先的水污染物,自然发生在地下水中,造成不利的健康影响-在孟加拉国很普遍。然而,政策反应缓慢,以效率低下和缺乏问责制为标志。我们通过与其他情况下的水污染危机进行比较,探讨了孟加拉国对砷危机的延迟政策反应,使用多个流框架来比较策略进程。其中包括大肠杆菌O157:H7和Walkerton的弯曲杆菌,加拿大;弗林特的铅和军团菌,密歇根州,美国;以及欣克利的铬-6污染,加州,美国。我们发现,虽然水污染问题是可以解决的,为了达成成功的解决方案,必须满足一系列复杂的条件。这些包括事件的时间性质和结果的方面,社会和政治背景,公众或媒体对危机的关注程度,可见性的政治,责任和责任。特别是,具有慢性健康结果的污染物,和更长时间的亚临床疾病,导致政策窗口较小,政策更改效果较差。关于饮用水污染对健康威胁的新证据增加了新危机的风险,并需要采取新方法来实现政策变革。
    The occurrence of major water contamination events across the world have been met with varying levels of policy responses. Arsenic-a priority water contaminant globally, occurring naturally in groundwater, causing adverse health effects-is widespread in Bangladesh. However, the policy response has been slow, and marked by ineffectiveness and a lack of accountability. We explore the delayed policy response to the arsenic crisis in Bangladesh through comparison with water contamination crises in other contexts, using the Multiple Streams Framework to compare policy processes. These included Escherichia coli O157:H7 and Campylobacter in Walkerton, Canada; lead and Legionella in Flint, Michigan, USA; and chromium-6 contamination in Hinkley, California, USA. We find that, while water contamination issues are solvable, a range of complex conditions have to be met in order to reach a successful solution. These include aspects of the temporal nature of the event and the outcomes, the social and political context, the extent of the public or media attention regarding the crisis, the politics of visibility, and accountability and blame. In particular, contaminants with chronic health outcomes, and longer periods of subclinical disease, lead to smaller policy windows with less effective policy changes. Emerging evidence on health threats from drinking water contamination raise the risk of new crises and the need for new approaches to deliver policy change.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    目的:这篇综述评估了知识,利用率,预防教育,以及尼日利亚六个地缘政治地区的政策反应,为国家预防和控制宫颈癌的努力提供信息。
    方法:在PubMed/MEDLINE(NCBI)中进行了基于关键字的系统搜索,谷歌学者,和AJOL电子数据库,包括手动扫描文件,期刊和网站,以确定相关的同行评审研究。对文章进行筛选和资格评估。
    结果:下载了许多(158)文章,并且删除了重复项,最终分析包括110篇文章。这些是由定性的,定量(横截面),干预和政策研究。研究通常报告对宫颈癌筛查的知识和认识不足,但在城市地区进行的研究表明,对人类乳头瘤病毒(HPV)疫苗的认识略高。HPV疫苗接种对宫颈癌预防服务的摄取和利用比农村研究。这些研究没有显示出强有力的政府支持或有关宫颈癌控制的政策。
    结论:尼日利亚不同群体对宫颈癌预防服务的了解和接受程度仍然很低。这些可能与社会文化因素有关,缺乏有组织的宫颈癌筛查计划和预防宫颈癌的财政资源库。因此,有必要增加政府,捐助者的优先考虑和政治支持,以确保增加投资和承诺在尼日利亚消除宫颈癌。
    OBJECTIVE: This review evaluated the knowledge, utilisation, prevention education, and policy response across the six geopolitical regions of Nigeria to inform national efforts for the prevention and control of cervical cancer.
    METHODS: A keyword-based systematic search was conducted in PubMed/MEDLINE (NCBI), Google Scholar, and AJOL electronic databases, including a manual scan of papers, journals and websites to identify relevant peer-reviewed studies. Articles were screened and assessed for eligibility.
    RESULTS: Many (158) articles were downloaded and after duplicates were removed, 110 articles were included in the final analysis. These were made up of qualitative, quantitative (cross-sectional), intervention and policy studies. Studies have generally reported poor knowledge and awareness of cervical cancer screening but those carried out in urban areas demonstrated a slightly higher level of awareness of Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) vaccine, HPV vaccination uptake and utilization of cervical cancer preventive services than the rural studies. The studies did not show strong government support or policies in relation to cervical cancer control.
    CONCLUSIONS: Knowledge and uptake of cervical cancer preventive services across diverse groups in Nigeria remain poor. These could be linked to socio-cultural factors, the lack of an organised cervical cancer screening programme and low financial resource pool for cervical cancer prevention. Therefore, it is necessary to increase government, donor prioritisation and political support in order to ensure increased investment and commitment to cervical cancer elimination in Nigeria.
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