Asking how being \'international\' relates to privilege, I analyse a role-play game, the Students\' League of Nations, where pupils and teachers from select international schools simulate the UN General Assembly in Geneva. I document distinctive practices of selection and visions of excellence as talent, using Bourdieu\'s notion of \'institutional rite\'. I combine insider ethnography and quantitative analyses of the host school with a historical account of its\' elitism to bridge the gap between macro- and micro-analyses of \'everyday nationalism\'. I show how this game draws a symbolic boundary between \'international\' and \'local\' high schools by separating students who are considered worthy of transgressing their national identity from all others.

UNASSIGNED: Improving the young college students\' national identity is crucial for ensuring social stability and fostering development during public health critical events such as COVID-19. Young college students\' recognition of national COVID-19 crisis governance capabilities can influence their national identity, and online participation in public health criticalevents may serve as a crucial role in shaping this intricate relationship. To investigate this possibility, the present study established an intermediary model to examine the impact of online participation in public health critical events on young college students\' recognition of national COVID-19 crisis governance capabilities and improvement of national identity.
UNASSIGNED: This cross-sectional survey study employed a convenience sampling method to investigate a total of 3041 young college students in China. The correlations between study variables were analyzed using Spearman\'s rank correlation. The mediation model was established using PROCESS Model 4 with 5000 bootstrap samples in SPSS. The bias-corrected bootstrap method provided statistical efficacy and identification interval estimation.
UNASSIGNED: Young college students\' recognition of national COVID-19 crisis governance capabilities (r=0.729, P<0.001) and online participation in public health critical events (r=0.609, P<0.001) were positively correlated with improvement of their national identity. The relationship between these two factors was partially mediated by online participation in public health critical events (Indirect effect estimate=0.196, P<0.001).
UNASSIGNED: Online participation in public health critical events played a mediating role in the association between college students\' recognition of national COVID-19 crisis governance capabilities and the improvement of national identity. Our findings provide a novel intervention strategy for improving college students\' national identity, which is to encourage their online participation in public health critical events.

In 2017, the Gulf crisis led to a blockade that severely restricted Qatar\'s air, land, and sea access. This political crisis had far-reaching consequences, particularly affecting cross-national families and children. This qualitative analysis explores the effects of the blockade\'s political instability on individuals and families, specifically for Qatari citizens married to non-Qatari spouses and their cross-national children. Applying the General Aggression Model and Social Learning Theory, we interviewed 24 individuals residing in Qatar from nations directly affected by the crisis (Bahrain, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates). Two main themes emerged: first, the characteristics of aggressive and bullying behaviour, and second, the impacts on the well-being of cross-national families. The results showed that Qatari women and their children suffered disproportionately due to gender-based citizenship rights issues. The impacts on their well-being included heightened anxiety, depression, feelings of danger, uncertainty, and division within individuals, families, and communities. Recommendations include increasing collaborative efforts between governments, educational institutions, and community-based organizations, which are crucial to addressing aggressive and bullying behaviour across all age groups fostering a more harmonious and resilient society.

Although there have been numerous studies on the relations between group identification and ethnic prejudice, it is less clear whether their associations reflect stable individual tendencies or rather situational or temporal fluctuations. This longitudinal multilevel study aimed to fill this gap by examining the between- and within-person associations of identification with the national and superordinate human groups and levels of prejudice against multiple ethnic minorities. A total of 883 Italian majority adolescents (Mage = 15.66, SD = 1.15 at T1, 49.7% females) completed questionnaires at four time points over the course of 1 year. Results showed that national identification was related to more prejudice at the between-person level but to decreases in prejudice at the within-person level. Additionally, human identification contributed to lower levels of and steeper decreases in prejudice at both the between- and within-person levels. Common and unique associations also emerged across different ethnic minority targets, but only for between-person effects. Overall, this study highlights the importance of distinguishing stable individual levels and momentary fluctuations of both ingroup identifications and ethnic prejudice in order to orient future interventions aimed at improving the quality of intergroup relationships.

In Taiwan, hesitancy regarding COVID-19 vaccination centered more on the choice of vaccine brand than on the decision to vaccinate. However, there is limited research exploring the factors influencing COVID-19 vaccine brand preferences from a sociopolitical perspective. Thus, we aimed to examine how Taiwanese national identity and trust in government influence vaccination status and vaccine brand choice, using longitudinal data from 2020, 2021, and 2023. This study utilized data from the Taiwan Panel Study of Family Dynamics 2020 survey, and combined it with data from two self-administered surveys conducted in 2021 and 2023. We focused on four vaccines commonly administered in Taiwan: AstraZeneca, Moderna, Pfizer-BioNTech, and the domestically-developed Medigen. Using Poisson regression models with robust standard errors, we assessed the effects of national identity and trust in government on the choice of COVID-19 vaccine brand. By analyzing data from 2361 participants, we found that national identity and trust in government were associated with the likelihood of COVID-19 vaccination, the number of vaccine doses received, and the brand of vaccine taken. Those who identified themselves as Taiwanese were more inclined to receive the Medigen and AstraZeneca vaccines, but less willing to receive Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine. Those who trusted the government were more likely to prefer and receive the Medigen vaccine. Conversely, those who didn\'t trust the government were less likely to prefer Medigen and AstraZeneca vaccines, but were willing to receive Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine. Vaccine brand preferences and uptake in Taiwan were affected by individuals\' national identity and their trust in government. This highlights the critical role of sociopolitical factors in shaping public health strategies.

During the pandemic, the Japanese government drew upon the cultural concept of jishuku, or personal self-constraint, requesting that individuals accept responsibility for their behaviors and consider minimizing the potential negative impact on others. While the jishuku approach to pandemic management rests upon the established and persuasive influence of cultural norms, variability in adherence can be expected according to age. This article documents an investigation into factors impacting vaccine hesitancy and susceptibility to SARS-CoV-2 misinformation among Japanese youth. The point of departure is the belief that attitudes and behaviors, such as those underpinning the jishuku approach to pandemic management, arise from within a relational framework. Therefore, developmental characteristics, such as personality traits, and in-group affinity attachments, such as facets of national identity, can be expected to function as predictors of health attitudes and behaviors. The tested structural model of hypothesized interactions accounted for 14% of the observed variance in vaccine hesitancy and 20% in susceptibility to SARS-CoV-2 misinformation. With the inclusion of gender, political ideology, and trust in government SARS-CoV-2 response as control variables, the respecified model increased the amount of variance observed in vaccine hesitancy to 30% and to 25% in susceptibility to SARS-CoV-2 misinformation. The outcomes are discussed in relation to the communication of coherent public health discourse relative to personality traits and facets of national identity.

Korean Chinese is one of the 55 officially recognized ethnic minorities in China. The protective effects of strong bicultural (ethnic and national) identities and the detrimental effects of ethnic discrimination on adjustment outcomes are well documented for ethnic minority youth in W.E.I.R.D. societies. Yet, ethnic minority youth in non-W.E.I.R.D. societies, such as Korean Chinese, may experience a unique form of discrimination-national discrimination. It is not known how multiple social identities and experiences of dual discrimination may intersect to predict youth adjustment. Thus, this study explored profiles of ethnic and national identities and ethnic and national discrimination among Korean Chinese youth and examined their psychological, health, and academic adjustment. The analytic sample included 267 Korean Chinese youth aged from 12 to 18 (M = 15.21, SD = 1.65) residing in Northeast China. Three latent profiles were identified. The dominant profile of Korean Chinese youth was characterized by high bicultural identity and low ethnic and national discrimination (BILD; n = 171). The second profile was characterized by high bicultural identity and high national discrimination (BIND, n = 50). The third profile was characterized by moderate ethnic and national identities and moderate ethnic and national discrimination (MIMD, n = 46). Regression analyses found that the BILD profile showed fewer depressive symptoms compared to the BIND profile and showed better perceived physical health compared to the MIMD profile. The findings highlight strong bicultural identities as a cultural asset and discrimination-particularly national discrimination-as a contextual risk to Korean Chinese adolescents\' well-being.

By conducting a comparative discourse analysis of the news reports in China Daily and news releases by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) of China on COVID-19 prevention and control, this paper aims to reveal the identity China has shaped in the fight against COVID-19. Epidemic-related news materials were firstly collected on the official websites of China Daily and the MFA of China, and then the representative news items were selected as the research corpus according to the principles of relevance and representativeness. The methods of critical discourse analysis and comparative study were adopted to analyze the selected news items. It was found that the epidemic-related news reports in China Daily have constructed the national identity of a responsible power for China from the perspective of fighting the epidemic and maintaining domestic and international public health security, and this national identity is consistent with the one publicized to the international community through diplomatic channels.

Next to land, water, air and space, cyberspace is the complex socio-technical setting often called the \'fifth domain\'. Nationalism has taken over the organization of the first four domains, in the form of constructing national states, national territorial waters and national airspace. The basic proposition of this article is that the ideology of nationalism has also infiltrated the fifth domain - cyberspace - in two ways. First, through state-led cyber-nationalism via official government websites that present \'national\' achievements and propagate the official state positions on disputes about territory, symbols or history. Second, through individual communities who use the internet to sustain a sense of national belonging and/or to promote and disseminate their nationalist ideals. Both ways are important in an online national identity (re)production framework that, in a fluid, global, modern world, functions supportively towards the traditional national identity (re)production mechanisms. This article aims to examine the patterns of the nationalization of cyberspace through an analysis of state-led institutions and government websites that aim to enhance national identity and the sense of national belonging in a globalized world, as well as to propagate official state positions. It will focus on Greek, Dutch, US and Israeli websites. The term \'nationalization\' in this context denotes the ideological charging of the cyber-footprint of the nation: how the internet produces and re-produces the nation, how the users partake in the national community by way of \'consuming\' the digitalized national ideology, and the way cyber-nationalism defines people\'s sense of belonging.

China\'s Bay Area policies are important for integrating Hong Kong (HK) and Macao youth into China\'s overall development. However, their effect on national identity is still mostly theoretical, lacking objective and scientific empirical evaluations. From a cultural adaptation perspective, interactions between social groups with different cultural backgrounds can promote cultural and political identity transformation. Therefore, guided by China\'s Bay Area policies, which encourage various cross-border exchanges via economic cooperation, HK youth can keep in touch with such Mainland Chinese cultural values as \"responsible government\", facilitating \"political socialization\", and political-cultural adaptation, helping to promote their psychological inclusion into society, contributing to a positive attitude towards the mainland government, and achieving the policy effect of building national identity. A quasi-natural experiment based on the regional differences in the first stages of China\'s Bay Area policies can help to evaluate their effects on HK youth\'s national identity. This study defines the initial stage of the Bay Area policy implementation as from 2016, when the 13th Five-Year Plan advocated building the \"Great Bay Area of Guangdong, Hong Kong and Macao\", to 2019, when the Outline was published. The policies issued at this stage were the so-called \"early policies\". Due to data limitations, it is difficult to obtain post-2019 survey data; therefore, the study mainly focuses on the policy effects at the beginning of the Bay Area\'s construction. Four groups of cross-sectional data from the World Value Survey 6 (WVS6) (2010-2014) and World Value Survey 7 (WVS7) (2017-2020), with HK and the mainland (the non-Guangdong region) included, are used to examine the policy effect under the Difference-in-Differences (DID) Model. The research shows that the policies significantly enhanced HK youth\'s national identity, and their trust in the mainland government played an intermediary role in the policy effect mechanism. However, the effect was uneven, benefiting the national identities of HK youth working in the for-profit private sector more than their unemployed or public sector peers. Therefore, this research proposes several policy implications to facilitate policy decision making related to youth in China\'s Bay Area.