Gerontechnology design is often rooted in deficit imaginaries of frail ageing bodies, with little consideration given to the sociomateriality of older adults\' everyday lives, as shaped by complex social, political, historical and cultural forces. While co-design approaches have gone some way in supporting the participation of older adults, little attention has been given to how design processes can be responsive to the more-than-human lived materialities of older adults\' everyday lives. More generally, there is also a need for deeper ethical engagement with the more-than-human assemblages that shape the politics and practices of co-design. In response, this article sketches out a feminist posthuman praxis of care-full co-design, grounding it in our work co-designing digital cultural experiences with older adults who live along multiple axes of inequality. Drawing on the radically deconstructive and reconstructive commitments of posthuman feminism, the discussion tentatively presents three interconnected threads of care-full co-design. These threads explore our attempts to design in the \'thick present\', ground design in older adults\' more-than-human everyday lives, and negotiate care-full (re)arrangements in the collective doing of design. The threads call for response-ability to expansive timescales and structural injustices, and to the situated knowledges and multi-sensual lifeworlds of older adults. Design is understood as an emergent process of attentive experimentation and adjustment in a bid to find a suitable arrangement of bodies, knowledges, technologies, emotions, languages, design sites and objects. We focus on particular practice-ings, tensions and challenges that emerged as we negotiated our care-full praxis.

Network platforms have ushered in a novel propagation model for feminist discourses. The emergence of oriental feminism in society has led to gender-based public opinions surrounding public events becoming a trending topic on Chinese social media. This study uses the 2022 Tangshan restaurant attack as a case study, an incident that sparked widespread discussions across China in 2022. The research gathered 366,602 network communication nodes within a week and examined the communication networks of three types of content nodes (information, opinion, and appeasement) using the complex network modeling method. The findings revealed that all three types of information communication networks exhibit an apparent scale-free characteristic, and the \"key minority\" of nodes significantly affects information communication. Information-type and appeasement-type Weibo display notable similarities in the quantity and degree distribution of nodes within the communication networks and in the information decay rate. Moreover, authoritative information issuers have become the primary catalyst for information propagation. Conversely, opinion-type Weibo has the widest communication network diameter and features a high degree of participation, multilevel propagation, and a slow decay rate. This indicates that the interaction between opinion leaders and netizens has enhanced the depth and breadth of information diffusion for opinion-type Weibo.

Some feminists hold that surrogacy contracts should be unenforceable or illegal because they contribute to and perpetuate unjust gender inequalities. I argue that in developed countries, surrogacy contracts either wouldn\'t have these negative effects or that these effects could be mitigated via regulation. Furthermore, the existence of a regulated surrogacy market is preferable on consequentialist grounds.

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Lesbian, bisexual, queer, trans and other gender diverse persons assigned female at birth (heretofore referred to as \"LBQT+ persons\") in Western Kenya experience intersectional oppression and stigma. This stigma can manifest in acts of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) and sexual and gender minority (SGM)-based violence, as well as various forms of discrimination-all of which have been linked to disproportionately higher levels of negative health outcomes for this group. Despite these challenges, many LBQT+ persons have been able to gain personal and collective power and thrive in this oppressive environment. The Empowerment for Us by Us (E4UBU) project is a mixed methods feminist participatory research study focused on exploring how LBQT+ persons conceptualize and define empowerment for themselves, and to understand their perspectives on how feelings of power and powerlessness influence their physical and mental health. This paper focuses on data from the first phase of the study, in which qualitative in-depth interviews were conducted with 40 LBQT+ persons (ages 19 to 50) from Kisumu and Homa Bay in Western Kenya. A participatory interpretive phenomenological analysis was conducted to understand the lived experiences of LBQT+ persons as they navigate intersectional oppression and its influence on their experiences of empowerment and subsequent health outcomes. Findings from this analysis were presented to two different focus groups composed of participants who had participated in the in-depth interviews to gather their insights on the interpretations of the interviews as a form of member checking. Findings revealed that \"empowerment\" was not experienced and viewed by LBQT+ persons as a monolithic construct, but rather a process through which LBQT+ persons are able to transform negative forces of intersectional oppression and powerlessness into experiences of power and subsequent individual and collective action and impact-all leading to improved mental health and well-being. This process is facilitated at several junctures by participatory seeking and attainment of community-appropriate resources at multiple socio-ecological levels that, when accessed with sufficient intensity, frequency, and duration, enhance one\'s journey through the process of empowerment. These facilitation junctures are viewed as likely points of focus for public health intervention. Analysis also revealed that the process of empowerment is dependent on the context within which the process is occurring, the specific issues being faced, and the population of focus. Recommendations for how this model can be used for future research and practice to improve the lives of LBQT+ persons in Kenya are discussed.

In this manuscript, we explore the connections between Florence Nightingale\'s Cassandra and Virginia Woolf\'s A Room of One\'s Own while taking the authors\' personal and social contexts into account. We conduct a detailed textual analysis from a feminist perspective. Cassandra and A Room of One\'s Own exhibit singular textual commonalities, such as evidence of trauma, the integration of myth and fiction as literary devices aimed at facilitating the author\'s access to various social spheres, the use of interpellations to impact the audience, and an argument for education as a path by which privileged women can enter the public realm. Both authors\' personal wounds and intellectual frustrations influenced their work, thus making their writing very powerful.

This article provides original insight into women\'s experiences of adulthood diagnoses of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and autism. Research exploring experiences of adulthood diagnoses of these conditions is emerging. Yet, there is no research about the gendered experiences of an adulthood combined ADHD and autism (AuDHD) diagnosis. This article addresses this gap through interpretative phenomenological analysis of email interviews with six late-diagnosed AuDHD women revealing the complex interplay between late diagnosis, being a woman, and combined diagnoses of ADHD and autism. It underscores how gender norms and stereotypes contribute to the oversight and dismissal of women\'s neurodivergence. Interpretative phenomenological analysis reveals the inextricability of femininity and neurotypicality, the gendered burden, discomfort, and adverse consequences of masking, along with the adverse outcomes of insufficient masking. Being an undiagnosed AuDHD woman is a confusing and traumatising experience with profound and enduring repercussions. The impact of female hormones exacerbated participants\' struggles with (peri)menopause often being a catalyst for seeking diagnosis after decades of trauma. The epistemic injustice of not knowing they were neurodivergent compounded this trauma. Diagnosis enabled participants to overcome epistemic injustice and moved them into a feminist standpoint from which they challenge gendered inequalities relating to neurodiversity. This article aims to increase understanding and representation of late-diagnosed AuDHD women\'s lived experiences. The findings advocate for trauma-informed pre- and post-diagnosis support which addresses the gendered dimension of women\'s experiences of being missed and dismissed as neurodivergent. There needs to be better clinical and public understanding of how AuDHD presents in women to prevent epistemic injustice.

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The Gender Inequality Index is a country-level measure of gender inequality based on women\'s levels of reproductive health, social and political empowerment, and labor-market representation. In two studies, we tested the validity of the GII-S, a state-level measure of gender inequality in the USA. In Study 1, the GII-S was associated with objective and subjective measures of wellness among women, including life satisfaction, financial well-being, and perceptions of safety. GII-S was not associated with the Gini coefficient, a well-established measure of economic inequality, suggesting that gender and economic disparities represent distinct aspects of social inequality. Study 2 tested the link between GII-S scores and collective action-specifically, participation in the #MeToo movement promoting awareness of sexual harassment and violence against women. Analysis of geo-localized messages on the Twitter social media platform reveals that higher GII-S scores were associated with fewer tweets containing the #MeToo hashtag. Moreover, GII-S was associated with state-level political orientation: the more conservative a state, the higher its level of gender inequality. Results are discussed in terms of possible socio-cognitive processes underpinning the association between gender inequality and sensitivity to violence against women.

This article explores the challenges faced by Chinese queer feminist activists as they navigate the rise of cyber-nationalist attacks. Drawing from the author\'s involvement in China\'s lala and feminist movements, activists writings, and three interviews, the article discusses how lala activists cope with the rising Chinese cyber-nationalism through various strategies and reconceptualize activism beyond identity groups. The first part of the paper situates the rise of nationalism in Chinese cyberspace in relation to global neo-fascism, identifying the overlapping cyber-trolling infrastructures, the basic form of \"palingenetic ultra-nationalism\", and the anti-gender/queer sentiments in neo-fascist movements transcending ideological and political divisions in different regions. The second part discusses the difficulties faced by lala activists when dealing with imbalanced accountability and censorship, as well as the \"hegemonic masculinity\" in cyber-nationalist attacks, revealing that hegemonic masculinity seeks not only to reinforce traditional gender norms but also to control everyone\'s personal lives. The last part argues that Chinese lala activists\' friendship-based alliances provide a valuable strategy under intensifying cyber-nationalism and state censorship. By engaging in diverse social issues and collaborating with various groups, this friendship-based solidarity prioritizes a caring life and fosters a situation where activists explore different social issues, initiate actions, and seek supporters based on specific issues instead of identities. This strategy may offer valuable insights into feminist/queer resistance during dark times, when the rise of global neo-fascism and its appropriation of identity discourse increasingly creates incommensuration between national identities and gender/sexuality identities.