public opinion

公众舆论
  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    从非人动物模型到工程微生理系统(MPS)的过渡,例如类器官和器官芯片技术,将标志着生物医学研究的范式转变。尽管MPS有可能更准确地模拟人体生理学,降低药物在临床试验中的高失败率,限制不必要的动物使用,广泛采用受到公众舆论和缺乏可扩展性的阻碍,标准化,和当前的监管吸收。本文提出了5个关键概念(意识,access,教育,应用程序,和奖励)可以帮助解决这些障碍。这些概念是框架的一部分,强调需要将MPS纳入主流生物医学研究,并更好地促进生物医学创新手段的道德责任。
    A transition from nonhuman animal models to engineered microphysiological systems (MPS), such as organoids and organ-on-a-chip technologies, would signal a paradigm shift in biomedical research. Despite MPS\' potential to more accurately model human physiology, reduce high failure rates of drugs in clinical trials, and limit unnecessary animal use, widespread adoption is hampered by public opinion and lack of scalability, standardization, and current regulatory uptake. This article suggests how 5 key concepts (awareness, access, education, application, and rewards) could help address these barriers. These concepts are part of a framework that underscores a need to integrate MPS into mainstream biomedical research and to better promote ethical responsibility for the means of biomedical innovation.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    尽管对人为气候变化的科学警报越来越多,世界没有走上解决危机的轨道。不作为的部分原因可能是对气候变化的怀疑态度和对维持现状的人们对环境政策的抵制(即,保守派右派)。因此,需要实际的干预措施。在目前的研究计划中,我们测试了一种源自系统合理性理论的实验操作,在该理论中,亲环境倡议被定为爱国和维持美国“生活方式”所必需的。“在一个大的,具有全国代表性的美国样本,我们发现,系统认可的变革干预成功地增加了自由左派和保守右派对气候变化的信念;对环保政策的支持;以及在社交媒体上分享气候信息的意愿。在涉及63个国家的汇总分析中,类似的信息是有效的,尽管总体效应大小很小。在国家一级进行的更细粒度的探索性分析显示,尽管干预措施在某些国家取得了一定的成功(例如,巴西,法国,以色列),它在其他国家适得其反(德国,比利时,俄罗斯)。在三个结果变量中,干预的效果在美国是一致和明显的,支持可以代表社会变革利用系统理由动机的假设。讨论了不同国家一级影响的潜在解释。系统认可的变革干预措施为寻求提高气候意识和行动的决策者和传播者带来了巨大的希望。
    Despite growing scientific alarm about anthropogenic climate change, the world is not on track to solve the crisis. Inaction may be partially explained by skepticism about climate change and resistance to proenvironmental policies from people who are motivated to maintain the status quo (i.e., conservative-rightists). Therefore, practical interventions are needed. In the present research program, we tested an experimental manipulation derived from system justification theory in which proenvironmental initiatives were framed as patriotic and necessary to maintain the American \"way of life.\" In a large, nationally representative U.S. sample, we found that the system-sanctioned change intervention successfully increased liberal-leftists\' as well as conservative-rightists\' belief in climate change; support for proenvironmental policies; and willingness to share climate information on social media. Similar messages were effective in an aggregated analysis involving 63 countries, although the overall effect sizes were small. More granular exploratory analyses at the country level revealed that while the intervention was moderately successful in some countries (e.g., Brazil, France, Israel), it backfired in others (Germany, Belgium, Russia). Across the three outcome variables, the effects of the intervention were consistent and pronounced in the United States, in support of the hypothesis that system justification motivation can be harnessed on behalf of social change. Potential explanations for divergent country-level effects are discussed. The system-sanctioned change intervention holds considerable promise for policymakers and communicators seeking to increase climate awareness and action.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    大学紧急情况,引起公众的极大关注并塑造网络观点,对大学管理和社会稳定构成了至关重要的挑战。因此,网络舆情对高校突发事件是一个至关重要的问题。然而,潜在的机制还没有得到充分的探索,也不能得到有效的控制。本研究旨在探索高校突发事件网络舆情的形成模式,分析其原因,并为应对这一问题提供科学的治理策略。
    基于智威数据共享平台的204个案例的样本集,本研究将高校突发事件网络舆情分为6种类型,并直观地分析了其特点:时间分布,主题,持续时间,和情感。通过整合网络舆论场理论,本研究建立了高校突发事件的网络舆论场模型,以揭示其形成模式。此外,从舆情生命周期的角度分析了高校突发事件网络舆情的成因,并提出了相应的治理策略。
    样本包括304个现实生活中的公众舆论案例,可视化结果表明,关于心理健康和师生安全的舆论构成了主要类型,占83.3%。高发科目是公立大学(88.24%)和学生(48%)。最常见的月份是7月和12月。90.20%的公众意见寿命少于19天,影响指数从40到80不等。公众对不同类型舆论的情绪反应各不相同,负面情绪占主导地位。
    这项研究为理解它们的形成和传播提供了新颖的见解。为相关部门治理高校突发事件网络舆情提供了实践启示。
    UNASSIGNED: University emergencies, garnering significant public attention and shaping network opinions, pose a crucial challenge to universities\' management and societal stability. Hence, network public opinion on university emergencies is a vital issue. Nevertheless, the underlying mechanism has not been fully explored and cannot be efficiently controlled. This study aimed to explore the formation pattern of network public opinion on university emergencies, analyze its causes, and provide scientific governance strategies for coping with this issue.
    UNASSIGNED: Based on a sample set of 204 cases from the Zhiwei Data Sharing Platform, this study classifies network public opinion on university emergencies into six types and visually analyzes their characteristics: time distribution, subject, duration, and emotion. By integrating the theory of the network public opinion field, this study develops a network public opinion field model of university emergencies to reveal its formation pattern. Furthermore, it analyzes the causes of network public opinion on university emergencies from the perspective of the public opinion lifecycle and proposes corresponding governance strategies.
    UNASSIGNED: The sample consisted of 304 cases of real-life public opinion, and the visualization results show that public opinion on mental health and teacher-student safety constitutes the predominant types, accounting for 83.3%. High-occurrence subjects are public universities (88.24%) and students (48%). The most frequent months are July and December. 90.20% of the public opinions have a lifespan of less than 19 days, with an impact index ranging from 40 to 80. The public\'s emotional response to different types of public opinion varies, with negative emotions dominating.
    UNASSIGNED: This study provides novel insights for understanding their formation and dissemination. It also provides practical implications for relevant departments to govern network public opinion on university emergencies.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:COVID-19大流行是一种规模和影响空前的公共卫生紧急情况(PHE)。随着PHE的展开,它提供了调查荷兰公民对参与荷兰大流行反应的参与者的理解和看法的可能性。
    方法:2020年6月与16名荷兰公民举行了三个焦点小组(FG)。使用荷兰医疗保健消费者小组招募公民。在FGs期间,参与者被要求填写他们认为参与COVID-19大流行管理的参与者的表格.他们还收到了有关参与荷兰疫情应对的行为者的信息。然后,讨论了参与者命名和省略的演员。
    结果:对FG的分析表明,参与研究的荷兰公民并不完全了解参与荷兰COVID-19大流行反应的参与者的范围。一些与会者希望了解有关行为者的更多信息。这将有助于他们对参与决策过程的行为者有一个知情的意见,并接受实施的非药物干预措施。最后,大多数参与者认识到他们在限制COVID-19大流行的传播方面发挥了作用。然而,很少有人自发地提到自己是COVID-19大流行应对措施的参与者。
    结论:这项研究表明,在COVID-19大流行的早期,参与这项研究的荷兰公民对参与荷兰COVID-19大流行应对的参与者的范围没有完全了解,或者公民的潜在角色。未来的研究可以在这些结果的基础上,探索公民对他们在另一个起源的PHE中的角色的看法,以及其他地理和历史背景。
    公众参与了焦点小组,并收到了一份非专家报告,总结了焦点小组的成果。
    BACKGROUND: The COVID-19 pandemic was a public health emergency (PHE) of unprecedented magnitude and impact. It provided the possibility to investigate the Dutch citizens\' understanding and perception of the actors involved in the Dutch pandemic response as a PHE unfolded.
    METHODS: Three focus groups (FGs) were held with 16 Dutch citizens in June 2020. Citizens were recruited using the Dutch Health Care Consumer Panel. During the FGs, participants were asked to fill in a table with actors they thought were involved in the management of the COVID-19 pandemic. They also received information on actors involved in Dutch outbreak responses. Then, the actors named and omitted by the participants were discussed.
    RESULTS: An analysis of the FGs suggests that the Dutch citizens participating in the study were not fully aware of the scope of actors involved in the Dutch COVID-19 pandemic response. Some participants would have appreciated more information on the actors involved. This would help them have an informed opinion of the actors involved in the decision-making process, and accept non-pharmaceutical interventions implemented. Lastly, most participants recognised that they played a role in limiting the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, very few spontaneously mentioned themselves as actors within the COVID-19 pandemic response.
    CONCLUSIONS: This study suggests that early in the COVID-19 pandemic, the Dutch citizens participating in this study\'s FG did not have a complete understanding of the scope of actors involved in the Dutch COVID-19 pandemic response, or the potential role of the citizen. Future research can build on these results to explore the citizen\'s perception of their role during PHEs of another origin, as well as other geographical and historical contexts.
    UNASSIGNED: The public participated in the focus groups and received a non-expert report summarising the outcomes of the focus groups.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:检查对物质使用政策的支持,包括那些减少伤害的,在公众和政策影响者中,这是绘制当前政策格局和杠杆政策机会的基本步骤。然而,这是加拿大的知识差距。我们的论文确定了加拿大两个省对物质使用政策的支持水平,并描述了支持水平如何与侵入性和社会人口统计学变量相关联。
    方法:数据来自2019年慢性病预防调查。代表性样本包括公众成员(艾伯塔省n=1648,曼尼托巴省n=1770)以及政策影响者(艾伯塔省n=204,曼尼托巴省n=98)。我们通过4点李克特量表衡量了对22项有关药物使用的公共政策的支持水平。纳菲尔德生物伦理干预阶梯委员会框架被用来评估侵入性。我们使用累积链接模型运行序数回归来识别解释性社会人口统计学变量。
    结果:总体而言,评估的政策普遍得到大力支持。马尼托巴省的公众比艾伯塔省的公众更支持政策。在各省和样本之间发现了一些差异。对于某些物质使用政策,女性比男性更支持,受过高等教育的人比受过教育的人更支持。
    结论:结果强调了需要努力增加政策影响者和公众对采用的支持的领域,实施,以及物质使用政策的扩展。与支持药物使用政策有关的社会人口统计学变量可能有助于为诸如知识动员之类的战略提供信息,以促进加拿大西部的政策格局。
    BACKGROUND: Examining support for substance use policies, including those for harm reduction, among the general public and policy influencers is a fundamental step to map the current policy landscape and leverage policy opportunities. Yet, this is a knowledge gap in Canada. Our paper identifies the level of support for substance use policies in two provinces in Canada and describes how the level of support is associated with intrusiveness and sociodemographic variables.
    METHODS: Data came from the 2019 Chronic Disease Prevention Survey. The representative sample included members of the general public (Alberta n = 1648, Manitoba n = 1770) as well as policy influencers (Alberta n = 204, Manitoba n = 98). We measured the level of support for 22 public policies concerning substance use through a 4-point Likert-scale. The Nuffield Council on Bioethics Intervention Ladder framework was applied to assess intrusiveness. We used cumulative link models to run ordinal regressions for identification of explanatory sociodemographic variables.
    RESULTS: Overall, there was generally strong support for the policies assessed. The general public in Manitoba was significantly more supportive of policies than its Alberta counterpart. Some differences were found between provinces and samples. For certain substance use policies, there was stronger support among women than men and among those with higher education than those with less education.
    CONCLUSIONS: The results highlight areas where efforts are needed to increase support from both policy influencers and general public for adoption, implementation, and scaling of substance use policies. Socio-demographic variables related to support for substance use policies may be useful in informing strategies such as knowledge mobilization to advance the policy landscape in Western Canada.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    卧底视频已成为非政府组织中一种流行的工具,可以影响公众舆论并为非政府组织的事业带来参与。这些视频被视为带来社会变革的强大且具有成本效益的方式,因为他们提供第一手证据,并在看到他们的人中产生强烈的情绪反应。在本文中,我们根据经验评估了卧底视频对事业支持的影响。此外,我们还分析了观看者之间参与度的增加是否由视频产生的负面情绪反应所驱动。要做到这一点,我们设计了一个在线实验,通过将参与者随机暴露在(虐待动物的)卧底视频中,并随机引入冷静期,我们能够估计总体治疗和情绪介导治疗对参与的影响.使用法国人口的代表性样本(N=3,310),我们发现视频成功地增加了有利于动物的行动(即,向非政府组织和请愿书捐款),但是我们无法证明这种影响是由于视频引起的主要情绪的存在。最后,我们通过一项有活动人士参与的预测研究(探索性分析),调查活动人士是否正确预测其卧底视频(情绪)的影响.协议注册:本手稿是已注册报告的第二阶段工作文件,该报告于11月20日获得科学报告的原则认可,2023年[链接到阶段1]。收到本金接受的Stage-1可以在这里找到:https://osf.io/8cg2d。
    Undercover videos have become a popular tool among NGOs to influence public opinion and generate engagement for the NGO\'s cause. These videos are seen as a powerful and cost-effective way of bringing about social change, as they provide first-hand evidence and generate a strong emotional response among those who see them. In this paper, we empirically assess the impact of undercover videos on support for the cause. We in addition analyze whether the increased engagement among viewers is driven by the negative emotional reactions produced by the video. To do so, we design an online experiment that enables us to estimate both the total and emotion-mediated treatment effects on engagement by randomly exposing participants to an undercover video (of animal abuse) and randomly introducing a cooling-off period. Using a representative sample of the French population (N=3,310), we find that the video successfully increases actions in favor of animals (i.e., donations to NGOs and petitions), but we fail to prove that this effect is due to the presence of primary emotions induced by the video. Last, we investigate whether activists correctly anticipate their undercover videos\' (emotional) impact via a prediction study involving activists (exploratory analysis). PROTOCOL REGISTRATION: This manuscript is a Stage-2 working paper of a Registered Report that received In-Principle-Acceptance from Scientific Reports on November 20th, 2023 [ Link to Stage-1 ]. The Stage-1 that received In-Principal-Acceptance can be found here: https://osf.io/8cg2d .
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    移民是公众辩论中最突出的话题之一。社交媒体严重影响移民观点,经常引发两极分化的辩论和离线紧张。在英国研究了220,870条与移民相关的推文,我们评估了两极分化的程度,关键内容创作者和传播者,以及内容传播的速度。我们发现亲移民社区和反移民社区之间存在高度的在线两极分化。我们发现,反移民社区规模较小,但密度更大,比亲移民社区更活跃,前1%的用户负责超过23%的反移民推文和21%的转发。我们还发现,反移民内容的传播速度也比支持移民的信息快1.66倍,而机器人对内容传播的影响微乎其微。我们的研究结果表明,识别和跟踪高度活跃的用户可以遏制反移民情绪,有可能缓解社会两极分化,塑造更广泛的社会对移民的态度。
    Immigration is one of the most salient topics in public debate. Social media heavily influences opinions on immigration, often sparking polarized debates and offline tensions. Studying 220,870 immigration-related tweets in the UK, we assessed the extent of polarization, key content creators and disseminators, and the speed of content dissemination. We identify a high degree of online polarization between pro and anti-immigration communities. We found that the anti-migration community is small but denser and more active than the pro-immigration community with the top 1% of users responsible for over 23% of anti-immigration tweets and 21% of retweets. We also discovered that anti-immigration content spreads also 1.66 times faster than pro-immigration messages and bots have minimal impact on content dissemination. Our findings suggest that identifying and tracking highly active users could curb anti-immigration sentiment, potentially easing social polarization and shaping broader societal attitudes toward migration.
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
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  • 文章类型: Journal Article
    背景:监督注射设施(SIF)已被证明可以减少注射毒品者的负面结果。他们经常受到公众和媒体的严格审查。本文旨在探讨澳大利亚人口对SIF的态度以及这些态度如何随时间变化。
    方法:数据来自国家药品战略家庭调查,一个全国样本,收集关于澳大利亚人非法药物使用和对毒品政策态度的数据(2001-2019年)。有序逻辑回归评估了与对SIF的不同态度相关的社会人口统计学特征,二元逻辑回归评估了随时间和辖区的趋势。
    结果:2019年,54%的受访者(95%CI52.9,55.1)支持SIF,27.5%(95%CI26.6,28.4)和18.4%(95%CI17.7,19.2)存在矛盾。对SIF的支持与拥有大学学位相关(OR1.75;95%CI1.58,1.94),非异性恋身份(OR1.81,95%CI1.51,2.17)和近期非法药物使用(OR=1.74,95%CI1.55,1.94)。男性受访者或生活在社会经济弱势地区的受访者支持SIF的几率较低(分别为OR0.92,95%CI0.85,1.00;OR0.64-0.80)。在2001年至2019年期间,对SIF的支持适度增加了3.3%,那些“不知道”的人减少了7.4%,反对派减少11.7%。2001年至2019年,新南威尔士州和昆士兰州对SIF的支持有所增加,而反对派在所有司法管辖区都有所减少。
    结论:在过去的20年里,对SIF的反对有所下降,但相当大比例的受访者是矛盾的,或者“不知道说”。关于SIF及其潜在好处的简单语言信息,针对那些矛盾的人/“不知道”可能会进一步增加公众支持。
    BACKGROUND: Supervised injecting facilities (SIF) have been shown to reduce negative outcomes experienced by people who inject drugs. They are often subject to intense public and media scrutiny. This article aimed to explore population attitudes to SIFs and how these changed over time in Australia.
    METHODS: Data were drawn from the National Drug Strategy Household Survey, a national sample collecting data on illicit drug use and attitudes towards drug policy among Australians (2001-2019). Ordinal logistic regression assessed sociodemographic characteristics associated with different attitudes to SIFs and binary logistic regression assessed trends over time and by jurisdiction.
    RESULTS: In 2019, 54% of respondents (95% CI 52.9, 55.1) supported SIFs, 27.5% (95% CI 26.6, 28.4) opposed and 18.4% (95% CI 17.7, 19.2) were ambivalent. Support for SIFs correlated with having a university degree (OR 1.75; 95% CI 1.58, 1.94), non-heterosexual identity (OR 1.81, 95% CI 1.51, 2.17) and recent illicit drug use (OR = 1.74, 95% CI 1.55, 1.94). Male respondents or those living in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas had lower odds of supporting SIFs (OR 0.92, 95% CI 0.85, 1.00; OR 0.64-0.80, respectively). Between 2001 and 2019, support for SIFs increased modestly by 3.3%, those who \'don\'t know\' by 7.4%, whereas opposition decreased by 11.7%. Between 2001 and 2019, support for SIFs increased in NSW and Queensland, whereas opposition decreased in all jurisdictions.
    CONCLUSIONS: Opposition to SIFs declined over the past 20 years, but a substantial proportion of respondents are ambivalent or \'don\'t know enough to say\'. Plain language information about SIFs and their potential benefits, targeted to those who are ambivalent/\'don\'t know\' may further increase public support.
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