Abstract：
A key aspect of linguistic communication involves semantic reference to objects. Presently, we investigate neural responses at objects when reference is disrupted, e.g., \"The connoisseur tasted *that wine\"… vs. \"…*that roof…\" Without any previous linguistic context or visual gesture, use of the demonstrative determiner \"that\" renders interpretation at the noun as incoherent. This incoherence is not based on knowledge of how the world plausibly works but instead is based on grammatical rules of reference. Whereas Event-Related Potential (ERP) responses to sentences such as \"The connoisseur tasted the wine …\" vs. \"the roof\" would result in an N400 effect, it is unclear what to expect for doubly incoherent \"…*that roof…\". Results revealed an N400 effect, as expected, preceded by a P200 component (instead of predicted P600 effect). These independent ERP components at the doubly violated condition support the notion that semantic interpretation can be partitioned into grammatical vs. contextual constructs.
摘要：
语言交流的一个关键方面涉及对对象的语义引用。目前,当参考被破坏时，我们研究对象的神经反应，例如，\“鉴赏家品尝了那种酒\...”与\“...*那个屋顶...\”没有任何先前的语言背景或视觉手势，使用指示性定语“that”使名词的解释不连贯。这种不连贯不是基于对世界合理运作方式的了解，而是基于语法参考规则。而事件相关潜力（ERP）对诸如“鉴赏家品尝葡萄酒……”之类的句子的反应与“屋顶”会产生N400效应，目前还不清楚双重不连贯的期望是什么“……*那个屋顶……”结果显示了N400效应，正如预期的那样，前面是P200成分（而不是预测的P600效应）。在双重违反的条件下，这些独立的ERP组件支持语义解释可以分为语法和上下文构造。
